STATE OF NEW YORK
Court of Appeals
APL-2017-00087
Appellate Division, 4th Department No.: CA 16-00663
Erie County Index No.: 801775/2015
INTERNATIONAL UNION OF PAINTERS & ALLIED TRADES, DISTRICT
COUNCIL NO. 4, by its Secretary-Treasurer, Mark Stevens; and INTERNATIONAL
UNION OF PAINTERS & ALLIED TRADES, FINISHING TRADES INSTITUTE OF
WESTERN & CENTRAL NEW YORK, by its Trustees Mark Stevens, Gregory Stoner,
Robert Sinopoli, Jeffrey Carroll, Todd Rotunno, Michael Dems, Daniel LaFrance, Dan
Jackson, Dominic Zirilli, Tim McCluskey, Jeff Sturtz, Frank Hosek, and Marvin Paige;
and FORNO ENTERPRISES, INC.; and TGR ENTERPRISES, INC.; and
CHRISTOPHER J. POWERS, as an Apprentice enrolled in the Painters District Council
No. 4 Glazier Apprenticeship Program; and RACHEL TERHART, as a former
Apprentice enrolled in the Painters District Council No. 4 Glazier Apprenticeship
Program,
Plaintiffs-Respondents,
- AGAINST -
THE NEW YORK STATE DEPARTMENT OF LABOR; and MARIO MUSOLINO, as
Acting Commissioner of New York State Department of Labor, and CHRISTOPHER
ALUND, as Director of the Bureau of Public Works, a Division of the New York State
Department of Labor,
Defendants-Appellants.
BRIEF FOR AMICUS CURIAE
BROWN & WEINRAUB, PLLC
Patrick E. Brown, Esq.
Tracy L. Connolly, Esq.
Attorneys for Amicus New York State Building
& Construction Trades Council, AFL-CIO
50 State Street, 4th Floor
Albany, New York 12207
Telephone: (518) 427-7350
Date of Completion: November 2, 2017
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ....................................................................... iii
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT .................................................................. 1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ............................................................. 2
QUESTION PRESENTED ........................................................................... 3
RELIEF SOUGHT ........................................................................................ 3
ARGUMENT ................................................................................................ 3
POINT I. THE FOURTH DEPARTMENT’S DECISION IS
HARMFUL TO INDIVIDUAL APPRENTICES WHO ENROLL IN
TRADE-SPECIFIC PROGRAMS AND EXPECT TO BE TRAINED IN
A SPECIFIC TRADE. ............................................................................... 3
A. Apprentices expect employers to assign them tasks that will teach
skills specific to the program in which they enrolled. ........................... 4
B. The Fourth Department’s decision allows apprentices to be
exploited on public works projects by contractors seeking to minimize
their labor costs....................................................................................... 8
1. Apprentices, like all individuals, have a constitutional right to
receive the prevailing wage on public works projects unless they are
performing tasks within the scope of their trade-specific
apprenticeship program. ...................................................................... 8
2. Under the Fourth Department’s decision, contractors are
incentivized to utilize apprentices from any registered apprenticeship
program, regardless of the type of work to be performed, so they can
take advantage of the lower apprentice wage rate. ........................... 10
ii
POINT II. THE FOURTH DEPARTMENT’S DECISION IS
HARMFUL TO THE HIGHLY SPECIALIZED CONSTRUCTION
INDUSTRY AND ITS ASSOCIATED APPRENTICESHIP
PROGRAMS, IN BOTH NEW YORK STATE AND THROUGHOUT
THE COUNTRY. .................................................................................... 12
A. Consistency among trade-specific apprenticeship programs is
fundamental to the success of the state and national network of
construction apprenticeship programs. ................................................. 14
B. The jurisdictional boundaries between the trades are deeply rooted
in history and tradition and should not be interfered with by the
courts. ................................................................................................... 16
CONCLUSION ........................................................................................... 20
iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
PAGE
Matter of Monarch Electrical Contracting Corp. v. Roberts,
70 N.Y.2d 91 (1987) ..................................................................... 9, 11
NEW YORK STATE CONSTITUTION
N.Y. Const. art. I, § 17 ................................................................... 8, 9
STATE STATUTES
N.Y. Labor Law § 220(3-e) ...................................................... 4, 8, 11
N.Y. Labor Law § 810 ..................................................................... 3-4
N.Y. Labor Law § 815 ........................................................................ 4
N.Y. Labor Law § 815 (1) ............................................................... 4-5
N.Y. Labor Law § 815 (2) ............................................................... 4-5
N.Y. Labor Law § 815 (3) ............................................................... 4-5
STATE RULES AND REGULATIONS
12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 601.5 (a) .................................................................. 5
12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 601.5 (c) .............................................................. 5, 8
12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 601.5 (c)(3) ............................................................. 5
12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 601.5 (e) .................................................................. 5
FEDERAL STATUTES
29 U.S.C. § 158(b)(4)(D) ................................................................. 18
29 U.S.C. § 160(k) ............................................................................ 18
MISCELLANEOUS AUTHORITIES
3 N.Y. State Constitutional Convention of 1938, Revised Record .............. 9
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES (cont’d)
MISCELLANEOUS AUTHORITIES (cont’d)
PA
GE
Building & Construction Trades Department, The Builders, The Seventy-
Five Year History of the Building & Construction Trades Department,
AFL-CIO (1983) ......................................................................................... 17
Merit Apprenticeship Alliance, About Us, http://meritalliance.org/about-us/
(last visited October 23, 2017) .............................................................. 14, 18
North America’s Building Trades Unions
Affiliates, https://nabtu.org/about-nabtu/affiliates (last visited
October 18, 2017) ............................................................................. 12
Construction Apprenticeship – The “Other Four-Year Degree,”
available at https://nabtu.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/
NABTU-The-Other-Four-Year-Degree.pdf (last visited October
17, 2017) ........................................................................................... 13
Memorandum from Michael Braun to Tom Kriger (May 16,
2017) 13-14
Plan for the Settlement of Jurisdictional Disputes in the
Construction Industry, https://nabtu.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/
03/Plan-for-the-Settlement-of-Jurisdictional-Disputes-Effective-
May-1-2011.pdf (last visited October 23, 2017) .............................. 17
N.Y.S. Building & Construction Trades Council Constitution &
By-Laws .................................................................................................... 2, 4
v
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES (cont’d)
MISCELLANEOUS AUTHORITIES (cont’d)
PA
GE
N.Y.S. Dep’t of Labor
Apprenticeship Sponsor List, https://labor.ny.gov/apprenticeship/
sponsor/index.shtm (last visited October 17, 2017) .................... 14-15
Become an Apprentice – What is My Training Like? https://labor.
ny.gov/apprenticeship/general/registration.shtm (last visited
October 17, 2017) ............................................................................. 14
Boilermaker Work Processes, https://labor.ny.gov/apprenticeship/
pdfs/ActiveTrades/15-333/pdf ............................................................ 7
Bricklayer & Mason Work Processes, https://labor.ny.gov/
apprenticeship/pdfs/ActiveTrades/11-025.pdf ................................... 6
Sheet Metal Worker Work Processes, https://labor.ny.gov/
apprenticeship/pdfs/ActiveTrades/15-201/pdf ................................... 7
United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America
https://www.carpenters.org (last visited October 17, 2017) ....................... 12
1
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
The New York State Building & Construction Trades Council, AFL-CIO
respectfully submits this brief in support of the New York State Department of
Labor’s (“the Department”) appeal to reverse the Order of the Appellate Division,
Fourth Department, dated February 10, 2017.
Supreme Court, Erie County correctly decided that individuals are not
working as registered apprentices, and thus must be paid the journeyperson’s wage
rate, when the construction work they are performing is not classified as work
which falls within the apprenticeship program to which they are enrolled.
The Appellate Division, Fourth Department reversed this decision, concluding that
contractors may pay the lower apprentice wage rate to any registered apprentice for
any type of construction work, even if the work is unrelated to the apprenticeship
program in which the apprentice is registered. This reversal is a misguided attempt
to cure a perceived anomaly created by the lower court’s decision, i.e., that a
contractor must pay journey-level wages to unskilled apprentices.
However, there is no anomaly. The notion that unskilled apprentices
working outside their trade must receive journey-level wages is an intended
consequence of a trade-specific apprenticeship industry. It is meant to deter
contractors from jeopardizing the health and safety of untrained apprentices by
2
placing them on projects for which they are unqualified, solely to take advantage
of a lower wage rate.
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE
The New York State Building & Construction Trades Council (“Amicus”)
was established in 1956 to address the needs of trade unions within New York
State. The Amicus seeks to protect the interests of its members: 129 local unions,
16 regional building trades councils, and 13 trade-specific district councils and
state associations. Collectively, the Amicus and its affiliated organizations
represent more than 200,000 unionized construction workers throughout the state.
The Amicus’ Constitution and By-Laws states the organization’s objectives, one of
which is “to foster, develop, and advance apprenticeship training and to cooperate
with Federal and State agencies promoting the interests of apprenticeship training.”
See New York State Building & Construction Trades Council, AFL-CIO
Constitution & By-Laws, Preamble (2016).
Completion of a quality apprenticeship program is analogous to a four-year
college degree in the skilled construction trades. Proper training is a fundamental
component of the building trades’ philosophy – and critical to their future –
because it ensures superior craftsmanship and safe job sites. Therefore, the
Amicus has a profound interest in preserving the integrity of New York’s
construction apprenticeship programs.
3
QUESTION PRESENTED
Whether Labor Law Section 220 permits apprentices who work on public
works projects to be paid the lower apprentice wage rate, rather than the journey-
level prevailing wage, when they are not enrolled in a registered apprenticeship
program specific to the classification of work they are performing.
RELIEF SOUGHT
We respectfully submit to this Court that in order for apprentices to be paid
an apprentice wage rate, they must be enrolled in a registered apprenticeship
program specific to the classification of work they are performing. An apprentice
enrolled in any other program, whether registered with the Department or not, is
not working as an apprentice and must be paid the journey-level wage rate
corresponding to the classification of the work being performed.
The Amicus seeks reversal of the Fourth Department’s decision which, if
left undisturbed, will endanger apprentices, disrupt the construction industry, and
undermine the integrity of trade-specific apprenticeship programs.
ARGUMENT
POINT I. THE FOURTH DEPARTMENT’S DECISION IS HARMFUL
TO INDIVIDUAL APPRENTICES WHO ENROLL IN TRADE-SPECIFIC
PROGRAMS AND EXPECT TO BE TRAINED IN A SPECIFIC TRADE.
New York State’s apprenticeship statute is structured to deliver a two-way
bargain for apprentices and contractors in furtherance of public policy. See N.Y.
4
Labor Law § 810 (declaring it to be the public policy of the state to develop skilled
craftsmen through sound apprenticeship training standards). Construction
apprentices are promised trade-specific classroom instruction and paid on-the-job
training under the supervision of a skilled journey person, and the contractors who
utilize apprentices on public work projects are allowed to pay them a lower,
adjusted prevailing wage based on each apprentice’s progress in the program. See
N.Y. Labor Law §§ 220(3-e), 815. Apprentices and contractors who do not uphold
their end of the deal should not receive the benefit of the bargain.
A. Apprentices expect employers to assign them tasks that will teach skills
specific to the program in which they enrolled.
The occupations related to the construction trades are generally categorized
into fifteen distinct and specialized crafts. See generally New York State Building
& Construction Trades Council, AFL-CIO Constitution & By-Laws (2016).
Journeypersons in each trade have learned how to perform the tasks associated
with their particular craft, and they are hired to accomplish specific tasks
associated with a larger construction project. It follows that apprentices who enroll
in a trade-specific program expect to receive the training and instruction necessary
to learn the tasks associated with their chosen trade so they can progress through
the program and ultimately achieve journeyperson status. See generally N.Y.
Labor Law § 815(1)-(3) (setting forth the suggested standards for apprenticeship
5
agreements); 12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 601.5 (a), (c)(3), and (e) (setting forth the standards
apprenticeship programs must meet to be registered, including a written plan
detailing the terms and conditions of employment and training, the work processes
in which apprentices will receive supervised work experience and on-the-job
training, and a method for each apprentice to document task rotation and skills
acquired through the program).
Apprenticeship program sponsors and the individual contractors who utilize
apprentices are expected to adhere to each program’s training outline so that
apprentices can progress through their programs efficiently. See generally 12
N.Y.C.R.R. § 601.5(c) (setting forth the standards and provisions which must be
included in each apprenticeship program). When contractors divert apprentices
away from the tasks they are supposed to be learning pursuant to the
apprenticeship program’s written plan, the apprentices are not receiving
supervised on-the-job training related to the program in which they are registered,
and they are not performing the type of work which is required to properly advance
through their specific program. Moreover, while they are performing these
unrelated tasks, they are unavailable for program-related opportunities which may
exist.
The Department’s interpretation of the statute deters the misuse of
apprentices because it requires the contractor to pay the full prevailing wage rate
6
unless the apprentices are performing work related to the program in which they
are enrolled. The Fourth Department’s decision, on the other hand, opens the door
to abuse and allows contractors to pay the lower apprentice rate even if the
apprentices are not receiving the benefit of the bargain promised to them by
statute, namely, they are not receiving the trade-specific on-the-job training they
signed up for. Indeed, the court’s reliance on the plain meaning rule, and
specifically its interpretation of the word “a” to mean “any” instead of “one” is
wholly inadequate given the complex nature of this case.
That this case happens to involve two trades with overlapping work
processes – iron workers and glaziers – is not determinative for two reasons. First,
the court’s decision is not limited to these two trades and would permit a contractor
to utilize a machinist apprentice to perform electrical work, or a cabinetmaker
apprentice to perform operating engineer work, even if none of their work
processes overlap. Second, even when the trades involved do have overlapping
work processes, common sense dictates that each trade carries out the tasks
associated with those work processes differently. To illustrate, the training outline
for “Bricklayer & Mason” includes a work process for the “care and safe use of
tools and equipment.” New York State Department of Labor, Bricklayer & Mason
Work Processes, https://labor.ny.gov/apprenticeship/pdfs/ActiveTrades/11-
025.pdf, at 1 (last visited October 23, 2017). The training outline for the
7
“Boilermaker” includes a work process for “learning names of tools and
equipment.” New York State Department of Labor, Boilermaker Work Processes,
https://labor.ny.gov/apprenticeship/pdfs/ActiveTrades/15-333.pdf, at 1 (last visited
October 23, 2017). And the training outline for “Sheet Metal Worker” includes a
work process for “using and caring for hand tools and equipment.” New York State
Department of Labor, Sheet Metal Worker Work Processes,
https://labor.ny.gov/apprenticeship/pdfs/ActiveTrades/15-201.pdf, at 1 (last visited
October 23, 2017). While all three programs include the same, or substantially
similar, work processes, it is obvious that the tools used by a bricklayer will differ
from those used by a boilermaker, which in turn, will differ from those used by a
sheet metal worker. Nevertheless, the Fourth Department’s decision permits a
contractor to pay the lower apprentice rate to a bricklayer apprentice who performs
tasks classified as “sheet metal work” and intended to be performed by sheet metal
apprentices. The bricklayer apprentice, having no say in his work assignment, will
be forced to perform work for which he is not trained and which does nothing to
help him efficiently advance through his own apprenticeship program. It is an
absurd result that undermines the integrity of the system and is certainly not what
the bricklayer apprentice signed up for.
8
B. The Fourth Department’s decision allows apprentices to be exploited on
public works projects by contractors seeking to minimize their labor costs.
Labor of human beings is not a commodity nor an article of
commerce and shall never be so considered or construed. No
laborer, worker or mechanic, in the employ of a contractor or
sub-contractor engaged in the performance of any public
work, . . . shall . . . be paid less than the rate of wages
prevailing in the same trade or occupation in the locality
within the state where such public work is to be situated,
erected or used.
--New York State Constitution, Article 1, Section 17.
1. Apprentices, like all individuals, have a constitutional right to
receive the prevailing wage on public works projects unless they are
performing tasks within the scope of their trade-specific apprenticeship
program.
As part of the “apprenticeship bargain,” apprentices agree to accept a lower
wage in exchange for classroom training and on-the-job experience consistent with
the apprenticeship program in which they are enrolled. See N.Y. Labor Law §
220(3-e); 12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 601.5(c). The Fourth Department’s decision, however,
allows contractors, eager to drive down wages so they can win bids, to sidestep
their end of the bargain and pay the lower wage to all apprentices, regardless of the
classification of work being performed, thus depriving them of the training and
instruction they bargained for. This result is inconsistent with the legislative
9
history of the prevailing wage and apprenticeship statutes,1 and is what the
delegates to the 1938 constitutional convention were trying to protect against when
they embraced a guiding principal so important that they memorialized it in Article
1 of the state’s Constitution – labor of human beings in not a commodity.2
Importantly, even under the Fourth Department’s decision, an apprentice
must be paid the apprentice rate that corresponds with the classification of work
being performed (as opposed to the apprentice rate of the program in which he is
enrolled). In this particular case, the contractor wants to utilize glazier apprentices
to perform work classified as “iron worker” work. It just so happens that the iron
workers’ apprentice wage is higher than the glaziers’ apprentice wage, thus the
glazier apprentices will be earning more than they otherwise would. However, the
court’s decision is not limited to these two trades, and apprentices will not always
receive the higher wage rate. For example, it would be possible for a contractor to
utilize an operating engineer apprentice to perform work classified as belonging to
the laborers. The operating engineers’ wage rates are significantly higher than the
laborers’ wage rates, but under the Fourth Department’s decision, the contractor
1 This Court has previously recognized that the legislature amended the apprenticeship law in 1966 in
response to contractors’ abuse of the labor force in order to escape the prevailing wage mandate. Matter
of Monarch Elec. Contr. Corp. v. Roberts, 70 N.Y.2d 91, 95 (1987).
2 The historical record of the Constitutional Convention of 1938 makes clear that Article 1, § 17 of the
State Constitution was a declaration, indeed a mandate, that in every matter of interpretation, or where
there is a balancing of interests, the rights of labor shall prevail over the interests of property. As stated
by Edward Weinfeld, “[t]he proposal now offered with respect to labor of a human being not being a
commodity is intended to write into the Constitution the fundamental principle that human rights are
superior to property rights.” 3 N.Y. State Constitutional Convention of 1938, Revised Record 2204.
10
could pay the apprentice the laborers’ lower wage rate and still be in compliance
with the prevailing wage law. This disparity is particularly relevant given the fact
that these individuals would otherwise be entitled to the full prevailing wage but
for their decision to bargain away that constitutionally-protected right in exchange
for a trade-specific apprenticeship.
The best way to protect apprentices is to ensure that the prevailing wage and
apprenticeship statutes work together as intended to carry out the public policies
enveloped in the Labor Law, namely, promoting sound apprenticeship training
without undermining the prevailing wage mandate. In other words, to ensure
individuals receive approved, supervised training based upon sound apprenticeship
standards, contractors must not be permitted to manipulate the prevailing wage law
by paying an apprentice wage unless the apprentice is enrolled in a registered
program and is performing work within the scope of that particular program’s
training outline.
2. Under the Fourth Department’s decision, contractors are
incentivized to utilize apprentices from any registered apprenticeship
program, regardless of the type of work to be performed, so they can
take advantage of the lower apprentice wage rate.
Plaintiffs-Respondents casually dismiss the possibility of abuse as a result of
the Fourth Department’s decision. Specifically, they assert that “it would be
11
economically disastrous to employ individuals . . . who know nothing about the
subject trade” and that apprenticeship programs risk being de-registered if they
allow their apprentices to perform work outside the work processes set forth in
their apprenticeship agreements (360-61). They are wrong.
This Court has previously recognized the widespread competition among
contractors and their willingness to exploit workers, if necessary, to win bids.
Matter of Monarch Elec. Contr. Corp v. Roberts, 70 N.Y.2d 91, 95 (1987). The
prevailing wage law protects employees from income deflation by equalizing
wages for all contractors, forcing them to compete based on their skills and
productivity. However, the Fourth Department’s decision creates a loophole which
incentivizes the misuse of apprentices: contractors now have an opportunity to
lower their overall wage obligations within the bounds of the law but at the
expense of the apprentice.
For example, contractors may only utilize apprentices if they are signatory to
a registered apprenticeship program approved by the DOL. See N.Y. Labor Law §
220(3-e). Under the Fourth Department’s decision, a contractor who is signatory
to two or three registered programs, e.g., carpenters, laborers, operating engineers,
may use those apprentices to perform work not within the scope of those programs,
e.g., sheet metal work. Why would a contractor do so? Because it allows him to
compete, by virtue of lower labor costs, with contractors who are signatory to the
12
sheet metal workers apprenticeship program. In fact, a contractor could use the
same apprentice to perform work associated with multiple trades on any given day.
POINT II. THE FOURTH DEPARTMENT’S DECISION IS HARMFUL
TO THE HIGHLY SPECIALIZED CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY AND ITS
ASSOCIATED APPRENTICESHIP PROGRAMS, IN BOTH NEW YORK
STATE AND THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY.
The occupations related to the construction industry are generally
categorized according to fifteen separate and distinct crafts,3 sometimes referred to
collectively as the “building trades.” Fifteen international unions, one for each
craft, represent thousands of construction workers at the national level through the
local unions over which they have jurisdiction. See Affiliates, North America’s
Building Trades Unions, https://nabtu.org/about-nabtu/affiliates/ (last visited
October 17, 2017).4 In New York, members of local unions from all fifteen crafts
are also represented at the state level by the Amicus. Within each of the fifteen
crafts, additional classifications may exist to reflect an even greater level of
specialization. For example, glaziers and drywall finishers are crafts within the
Painters’ international union; stone masons and tile setters are crafts within the
Bricklayers’ international union; millwrights and pile drivers are crafts within the
Carpenters’ international union, and so forth.
3 Insulators, Bricklayers, Boilermakers, Carpenters, Elevator Constructors, Electricians, Iron Wkrs., Laborers,
Operating Eng., Painters & Glaziers, Plasterers & Cement Masons, Roofers, Sheet Metal Wkrs., Teamsters, and
Plumbers & Steamfitters.
4 Note that the International Brotherhood of Carpenters is not currently affiliated with the national organization,
North America’s Building Trades Unions. Information about the Carpenters International Union can be accessed
here: https://www.carpenters.org/ (last visited October 17, 2010).
13
Construction apprenticeship programs sponsored by unions, contractors, or
both, provide a pathway for individuals who want to learn a craft in pursuit of a
career in the trades. Approximately 74% of registered apprentices nationwide are
enrolled in programs jointly sponsored by unions and contractors (“joint
programs”). North America’s Building Trades Unions, Construction
Apprenticeship – The “Other Four-Year Degree” at 4, available at
https://nabtu.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/NABTU-The-Other-Four-Year-
Degree.pdf (last visited October 17, 2017). The remaining 26% of apprentices are
enrolled in non-joint programs.5 Id. Among the joint programs, labor and
management privately invest more than $1.3 billion annually in more than 1900
training centers across the United States and Canada. Id. at 2-3. The magnitude of
the national joint apprenticeship network is best illustrated by the following
comparison: if it were a college or university, it would be the second largest
private, and the fourth largest public, university in the country. Id. at 6.
Apprentices in these programs receive more than $10 billion per year in wages and
benefits. Id.
Trade-specific registered construction apprenticeship programs in New York
are part of this vast network. Throughout the state, 106 training centers associated
with joint programs provide a path for entry into all fifteen trades. Memorandum
5 Non-joint programs are sponsored by management only.
14
from Michael Braun to Tom Kriger (May 16, 2017). Though not as numerous,
additional training programs operated by non-joint programs also provide
apprentices with access to some trades. For example, the Empire State Merit
Apprenticeship Alliance is a consortium of seventy contractors that are signatory to
three registered apprenticeship programs, one each for carpenters, laborers, and
operating engineers. See About Us, Merit Apprenticeship Alliance,
http://meritalliance.org/about-us/ (last visited October 23, 2017); see also
Apprenticeship Sponsor List, New York State Department of Labor,
https://labor.ny.gov/apprenticeship/sponsor/index.shtm, p. 23 (last visited October
17, 2017).6
A. Consistency among trade-specific apprenticeship programs is
fundamental to the success of the state and national network of construction
apprenticeship programs.
Because the construction industry is highly specialized, construction
apprenticeship programs are trade-specific and generally align with similar trade-
specific programs across the country. See Become an Apprentice - What Is My
Training Like? New York State Department of Labor,
https://labor.ny.gov/apprenticeship/general/registration.shtm (last visited October
17, 2017) (noting that apprentices who successfully complete a registered
6 Two additional apprenticeship programs (cement masons and iron workers) registered to the Empire State Merit
Apprenticeship Alliance are listed as probationary as of October 17, 2017.
15
apprenticeship program receive a nationally-recognized credential). Consistency
among programs is important because the temporary nature of construction
projects requires worker portability from one location to the next. A boilermaker
apprentice in Buffalo should receive the same training as a boilermaker apprentice
in Newburgh because traveling to different parts of the state or country for work is
often required if skilled journey workers want to remain employed. Thus,
individuals who enroll in the boilermakers apprenticeship program expect to learn
the skills specific to boilermaker work, and contractors who hire from a pool of
boilermakers expect each potential candidate to have received boilermaker-specific
training. The Fourth Department’s decision will severely disrupt the continuity
within this complex apprenticeship network.
In reversing the lower court, the Fourth Department misapplied the plain
meaning rule – focusing on a single word within the entire statute – and essentially
ignored the context of the overall legislative scheme (400). In doing so, the court
concluded that deference to the Department’s interpretation of the statute was
unnecessary: [the] “appeal does not call upon the court to interpret a statute where
‘specialized knowledge and understanding of underlying operational practices . . .
is at stake.” (399). The Fourth Department is wrong. It is precisely this
“specialized knowledge and understanding” of the construction industry’s national
apprenticeship network that makes the Fourth Department’s ruling so untenable.
16
The Department’s competence and knowledge about the individual work processes
identified for each trade is essential to prevailing wage determinations, apprentice-
to-journeyperson ratios, and certification of programs. By rejecting the
Department’s interpretation, the Fourth Department has provided an incentive, in
the form of lower labor costs, for contractors to utilize unskilled apprentices to
perform work outside their chosen field, in trades for which they have received no
substantive or safety-related training. Where the Fourth Department does briefly
allude to the statute as a whole, it applies rudimentary elements of statutory
construction to support its decision, with no consideration given to the contextual
background of the industry to which the statute applies. This result undermines the
public policies embodied within the prevailing wage and apprenticeship statutes,
and thrusts apprentices and all those who work alongside them into harm’s way.
B. The jurisdictional boundaries between the trades are deeply rooted in
history and tradition and should not be interfered with by the courts.
The jurisdictional boundaries between the trades is a reflection of the
specific skills and specialization of each craft. The specialized training acquired
through apprenticeship produces skilled journey workers who are called upon to
build the largest, most complex projects in the nation.
Disputes between trades claiming jurisdiction over particular types of work
have existed for as long as the trades themselves. As early as 1897, building trades
17
unions recognized that harmony amongst themselves was necessary if they wanted
to ensure their success and defend against industrial unions who sought the same
work. Building & Construction Trades Department, The Builders, The Seventy-five
Year History of the Building & Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIO 1-2
(1983). To bring about and maintain harmony, the trades were forced to deal with
the persistent jurisdictional disputes that drove a wedge between them, and they
worked towards creating a formal plan to resolve disputes as they arose. Id. at 4.
Various versions of the plan have existed throughout the years, but each one was
intended to serve the same purpose – to preserve the integrity of each craft’s
jurisdictional boundaries. See generally Id. at 4-32 (with specific references on pp.
4, 8, 18, 25, 26, 29, 32, 33, 37). Indeed, peaceful resolution of jurisdictional
disputes was such an integral part of our nation’s history that one of these
agreements was signed at a White House ceremony hosted by President Johnson in
1965. Id. at 32. Today, disagreements among the unionized trades are generally
settled according to the National Plan for the Settlement of Jurisdictional Disputes
in the Construction Industry, originally adopted in 1973 and amended over the
years to accommodate changes in the industry. Id. at 37; see also Plan for the
Settlement of Jurisdictional Disputes in the Construction Industry,
https://nabtu.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Plan-for-the-Settlement-of-
Jurisdictional-Disputes-Effective-May-1-2011.pdf (last visited October 23, 2017).
18
Alternatively, relief can be sought under the National Labor Relations Act if a
union engages in an unfair labor practice to coerce an employer to assign work to a
particular union rather than to a competing union. 29 U.S.C. § 158 (b)(4)(D); 29
U.S.C. § 160(k).
In the nonunion sector, workers are not organized by craft into local unions,
so jurisdictional disputes do not exist. Nevertheless, with nearly three-fourths of
all construction apprentices being trained through joint (union – management)
apprenticeship programs, respect for the trades’ jurisdictional boundaries is
essential to the industry. In fact, even in the non-union sector, apprenticeship
programs are trade-specific. See About Us, Merit Apprenticeship Alliance,
http://meritalliance.org/about-us/ (last visited October 23, 2017).
The parties to this case recognize that the Department classifies both the
type of work (bricklayers, iron workers, glaziers, etc.) and the status of the worker
(journeyperson, apprentice) for purposes of setting the prevailing wage rates and
determining apprentice ratios for each job. However, the parties have competing
views about how these classifications work together. For example, if the Fourth
Department’s decision were to stand, the first classification - type of work – would
be irrelevant when performed by apprentices because any apprentice from any
trade could perform any type of work regardless of his or her skill level or area of
expertise. The classification would be useful only for determining the wage to be
19
paid and would ignore the fact that apprentices enrolled in trade-specific programs
learn skills directly related to that specific trade. In essence, the decision removes
a barrier which currently exists to deter contractors from utilizing apprentices
across jurisdictional lines, a practice which will jeopardize the integrity of trade-
specific apprenticeship programs.
The Supreme Court and the Department both correctly recognized the
apprenticeship issue before the Court for what it really is - an attempt to
circumvent the Department’s classification of work in response to an underlying
jurisdictional dispute between two trades. (36, 368, 370, 376-79). To be sure, the
building trades unions do not always agree with how the Department classifies
work. Nevertheless, the unions understand and respect the importance of the
Department’s classifications, even when they conflict with the trades’
jurisdictional boundaries. The Amicus takes no position as to whether DOL’s
classification is correct. Rather, the Amicus points out that the Court is being
asked to construe the apprenticeship statute in a way that will harm individual
apprentices, fester jurisdictional disputes, disrupt every apprenticeship program in
the state, open the door to worker exploitation, and undermine the Department’s
role as a regulator of apprenticeship, prevailing wage, and safety.
20
CONCLUSION
Accordingly, we respectfully request this Court to reverse the Fourth
Department’s order dated February 10, 2017 and declare the Department of
Labor’s interpretation of Labor Law Section 220, which requires apprentices who
perform work not classified as belonging to the apprenticeship program to which
they belong to receive the journey-level prevailing wage rate, was rational,
reasonable, and consistent with the prevailing wage and apprenticeship statutes.
Dated: Albany, New York
November 2, 2017
Respectfully submitted,
_____________________________
Patrick E. Brown, Esq.
Tracy L. Connolly, Esq.
BROWN & WEINRAUB, PLLC
Attorneys for Amicus New York
State Building & Construction Trades
Council, AFL-CIO
50 State Street, 4th Floor
Albany, New York 12207
Telephone: (518) 427-7350
pbrown@brownweinraub.com
tconnolly@brownweinraub.com
21
PRINTING CERTIFICATION
PURSUANT TO 12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 500.13(c)(1)
The undersigned attorney, Patrick E. Brown, hereby certifies that this brief
complies with the type-volume limitations of 12 N.Y.C.R.R. § 500.13(c)(1).
This brief was prepared using a proportionately spaced typeface,
specifically, Times New Roman, 14 Point.
According to the word processing system used to prepare this brief, the total
number of words in this brief, excluding the Table of Contents, the Table of
Authorities, the Printing Certification, and authorized addendums is 4385.
Dated: Albany, NY
November 2, 2017
__________________________
Patrick E. Brown, Esq.
BROWN & WEINRAUB, PLLC
Attorneys for Amicus New York State
Building & Construction Trades
Council, AFL-CIO
50 State Street, 4th Floor
Albany, New York 12207
Telephone: (518) 427-7350
ADDENDUM
Building & Construction Trades Department, The Builders, The Seventy-Five Year
History of the Building & Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIO (1983)
(selected excerpts).
North America’s Building Trades Unions, Memorandum from Michael Braun to
Tom Kriger (May 16, 2016).
NYS Building & Construction Trades Council, Constitution & By-Laws (2016).
Building & Construction Trades Department,
The Builders, The Seventy-Five Year History
of the
Building & Construction
Trades Department, AFL-CIO (1983)
(selected excerpts)
THE03- BUILDERSc The Seventy-five Year History of the Building &
Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIOr
□w tps 4 I05 mmii
*
But organizational necessity and economic wisdom dictated that
building tradesmen come together in unity. The first major attempt
at unity within the building trades was the National Building Trades
Council, founded in 1897 and largely dominated by local councils.
The Council was weak, however, and not able to sustain the impor¬
tant job it had within the industry. In its place, the Structural
Building Trades Alliance formed on October 8, 1903. The Alliance
emphasized the importance of national unions in the advancement of
a national front against the menace of non-union shops.
Nine trades joined in the founding of the Alliance, and the organi¬
zation was further broken down into similar groups of crafts — the
woodworking group, the pipefitting group, the decorating group and
the iron working group. The Alliance set up a structure and proce¬
dures for a national board of governors to settle jurisdictional dis¬
putes which arose at the local level and were left unresolved.
After its promising beginning, the Alliance ran into difficult times,
with the Bricklayers and the Electrical Workers declining to join and
the Painters and Iron Workers eventually withdrawing. At the 1907
convention of the Alliance, the remaining seven member unions —Carpenters, Painters, Plumbers and Pipefitters, Steam Engineers,
Hod Carriers, Tile Layers and Lathers — proposed that a depart¬ment of building trades of the AF of L be created.
That same year, the AF of L convention took steps leading toward
establishment of a department of the building trades. The Alliance
had existed side by side with the AF of L in an uneasy state — thenational unions in the Alliance were affiliated with the AF of L and
supported the federation financially. But the Alliance remained out¬
side the federation amid fears that the building trades unions would
dominate the federation.
But again the necessity of unity within the trade union movement
prevailed, and the federation met in conference with the affiliated
building trades unions in February 1908 to pave the way for creation
of the Department.
According to James Kirby, president of the Carpenters, the reso¬
lution passed by the conference gave the building trades “what they
always clamored for: namely, complete autonomy over their own
affairs/’ In addition, the building trades won a dispute with federa¬
tion President Gompers over the chartering of state bodies. Gompers
adamantly opposed the provision which could allow the new Building
Trades Department to charter state bodies, but the Building Trades
won this important victory, which would later enhance their indepen¬
dence.
The AF of L issued the formal charter of the Department on March
20, 1908 to the seven founding members of the Department: Carpen¬
ters (James Kirby), Plumbers (WilliamJ. Spencer), Painters (George
F. Hedrick), Steam Engineers (James G. Hannahan), Iron Workers
0
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Original Building Trades Department Certificate of Affiliation with
the American Federation of Labor, March 20, 1908.
(Frank J. Ryan), Lathers (William J. McSorley) and Tile Layers
(Charles H. Leps).
The first Building Trades Department convention was held in
November of that year in Denver, Colorado. Even in the short span
of time between the conference and the convention, five new unions
called themselves members of the new Department. Charter mem-
32
BUILDING AND
CONSTRUCTION
TRADES
DEPARTMENT
t
<
Tight bonds of unity have existed among the
building trades crafts for more than a century.
While building trades unions like the Plasterers
and Carpenters formed even earlier, the crafts
came together to unite in leagues and councils in
the early years after the Civil War. From the
beginning, building tradesmen recognized the
principle of “strength through unity,” which is at the core of trade
unionism. These early groups had two central aims: to establish the
closed or union shop, and to establish procedures for settling jurisdic¬
tional disputes.
The founding of the American Federation of Labor in 1886 and its
displacement of the old Knights of Labor opened new opportunities
for organization and solidarity on the part of building trades workers.
Just two years after the founding of the American Federation of
Labor, Samuel Gompers set forth a proposal which served as the
forerunner of policies establishing various departments of allied
unions — including the Building and Construction Trades Depart¬
ment. Gompers proposed that the future organization of the federa¬
tion be modeled on the basis of “having the various industries classi¬
fied by the division of these industries; such as, for instance, the iron,
steel or metal industry to have a convention of the representatives of
all trade unions in that industry; the building trades to have their
convention of the representatives of the unions in their trade, the
railroad employees theirs, and so on, each legislating upon questions
that affect the general interests of their particular trades.”
Gompers’ vision was a good one, but was not yet to meet its time.
Sharp differences of opinion and policy regarding the chartering of
state bodies caused a rift between the AF of L and the leaders of the
building trades, leaving the building trades councils unaffiliated with
the AF of L.
mii M
fee ftI. to. 'S.
*
1
BUILDERS
The Seventy-five Year History of the Building &
ConstructionTades Department, AFL-CIO
L
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Indicative of this rocky period in building trades history was the
withdrawal of the Carpenters from the Department for a short 2-year
period from 1914-1916. Angered by jurisdictional disputes with the
Sheet Metal Workers and the Machinists over metal trim and mill¬
wrights, the Carpenters voted to withdraw from the Department at
their 1914 convention. As the largest union of the building trades, the
Carpenters’ support was extremely important to the overall unity of
the Building Trades Department.
By 1916, not only had the Carpenters rejoined the Department,
but the Bricklayers, Masons and Plasterers International had also
been granted a charter as a Department affiliate.
“For the first time in the history of the Building Trades movement
of our country, ” declared Department President ThomasJ. Williams,
“we are all united. What an era of possibilities stretches in front of us.
What an opportunity to make our united Building Trades Depart¬
ment respected by our own membership in the first place, and by the
contractors and the public in general.”
Once united in purpose, the Building Trades Department also
grew in numbers. By 1917, the Department had reached the formi¬
dable membership of 567,508, more than one-fifth of the entire AF of
Growth within the building trades occurred against the backdrop
of increasing tensions during World War I in Europe. With the
two years old, the United States joined in April 1917. Americans,
though reluctant to enter the conflict, quickly backed the govern¬
ment in its decision to defend Europe against the strong and increas¬
ingly aggressive German power.
Building tradesmen provided the manpower and skilled labor
which fueled America’s war effort. But while building tradesmen put
their full effort behind the war, tensions remained within the labor
community. President Woodrow Wilson established the Wage Ad¬
justment Commission during the war in order to reach agreements
wage settlements in a time when organized labor had pledged not
to strike. AF of L President Samuel Gompers, who played a key role
in the establishment of the Wage Adjustment Commission, was put
in an extremely delicate position because of dual loyalties — to thehundreds of thousands of working people he represented and to the
millions of Americans behind the war effort.
Gompers appointed John Alpine, then president of the United
Association, to the Wage Adjustment Commission to represent the
interests of building tradesmen. In the complex atmosphere of war¬
time, Alpine worked out a compromise agreement with the other
Commission members whereby local union rates were paid on con¬
struction, but the union shop was not guaranteed on government-
supported work.
This caused considerable discontent among union members, who
bers included: Cement Workers, Electrical Workers, Granite Cut¬
ters, Hod Carriers, Marble Workers, Sheet Metal Workers, Stone
Cutters, Amalgamated Carpenters, Steam and Hot Water Fitters.
Three other unions — Composition Roofers, Asbestos Workers andthe Slate and Tile Roofers — were unchartered members at the firstconvention.
The Building Trades Department spent the first years of its ex¬
istence attempting to grapple with the problem which served as one
of the principal reasons for its founding — how to solve the jurisdic¬
tional problems which threatened to fragment the trades. Rising
above all jurisdictional disputes, however, was the clear realization
by building tradesmen that a strong spirit of unity was vital to the
organizing job that had to be done in the face of a bitterly anti-union
business community.
The owners of the Los Angeles Times , particularly guilty of egre¬
gious conduct toward unions, waged a long and bitter war not only
against in-house organizing efforts, but espoused anti-union rhetoric
in their editorial pages.
On October 1, 1910, Iron Worker James J. McNamara acted in¬
dependently to bomb the Times building, killing 21 persons. McNa¬
mara vigorously maintained his innocence of the charges, and was
supported in his case by nearly the entire labor movement. The
famous lawyer Clarence Darrow worked in McNamara’s defense,
and numerous well-known labor leaders helped raise money for the
trial.
L.
war
In the end, however, McNamara confessed that he had committed
the crime in an excess of vengeful sentiment. The unfortunate con¬
sequence of the act, as is the case in many such instances, was the
creation of even greater anti-union hysteria and scapegoating. The
labor movement, shaken by both the incident and the wild anti-labor
sentiment surrounding it, nevertheless continued to forge ahead
during difficult times.
The Department attempted various plans to arrive at a workable
framework for decreasing jurisdictional disputes. The Executive
Council, which was established as a guiding body for the Depart¬
ment, at the 1912 convention proposed a scheme which both urged
international unions to consolidate and proposed an authority which
would settle jurisdictional questions.
At the 1913 convention, Department President James Short pro¬
posed the adoption of the following resolution to resolve jurisdiction¬
al disputes:
“The jurisdictional decisions of the Building Trades Department of
the American Federation of Labor are absolute and binding and are
not subjects for arbitration.”
This proposal was defeated, however, as were others while the
jurisdictional question continued to vex the building trades unions.
on
54
sparked a strike by Carpenters in the shipyards in Staten Island and
Baltimore.
Other boards and commissions were also established in order to
deal with the unique situations created by the war. President Wilson
established the War Labor Policies Board, with Professor (and later
Supreme Court Justice) Felix Frankfurter as its head. Assistant
Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt also served on this
board.
The War Labor Conference Board was established with broad
authority to make policies regarding labor and management. In an
early manifestation of the minimum wage, the board proclaimed “the
right of all workers, including common laborers, to a living wage. . . .
Minimum rates of pay shall be established which will insure the
subsistence of the worker and his family in health and reasonable
comfort.”
In the operation of these wartime authorities, labor representa¬
tives reported the lack of cooperation from employer represent¬
atives. All too often employers were anxious to take advantage of the
no-strike pledge by labor in order to advance their own cause and
evade compliance with the decisions of the boards.
Soon after the war, Secretary of War Newton D. Baker sub¬
stantiated the criticisms of the labor community by stating that labor
proved “more willing to keep in step than capital.”
The tremendous efforts of building tradesmen during the war did
not go unrecognized. Building Trades Department President John
Donlin spoke for many others when he told the 1919 convention: “As
an American and a building tradesman, I feel proud of their achieve¬
ments, for to a very great degree, the success of our army depended
upon the building trades. Our country declared war unprepared. A
great army was to be mobilized, every form of appliance, every war
essential had to be manufactured;everything required buildings, and
the building trades proved equal to the emergency. The greatest
building program the world has ever known was completed in one
half the time calculated by the United States War College and others
competent to estimate.”
But the tremendous production effort that characterized wartime
did not come without cost. An inflationary price spiral was generated
by the war, and employers proved only too willing to take advantage
of a situation where they could gain. “Wages did not keep pace with
the increased cost of commodities,” declared Building Trades Presi¬
dent Donlin. “Big business, little business, all businessshowed a total
disregard for the Government in its life and death struggle. Evident¬
ly no one expected business to be even reasonable when there was an
opportunity to profiteer. Business, more subtle than labor, reaps the
riches and avoids the criticism. Still the occasional murmur of the
worker was magnified. He was accused of being disloyal.”
v
c
James Kirby , president of the Carpenters and first president of the
Building Trades Department.
were completely willing to back the United States’ wareffort, but not
at the expense of hard-won union gains. The Carpenters, led by their
strong President Bill Hutcheson, argued that as long as an employer
was in the middle to profit from their labor, they could see no
justification for the open shop. Had they worked directly for the
federal government, said Hutcheson, their loyalty would have been
assured. But the government’s refusal to guarantee the union shop
76
time when the building trades were most in need of unity in order to
combat the increasingly virulent anti-union sentiment among em¬
ployers. The open shop movement grew precipitously during the
1920s, and had the audacity to label its anti-union campaign “The
American Plan/’ a noble-sounding banner of empty rhetoric.
Many employers were rebelling against the new position of
recognition which the labor movement had achieved during the war.
But even with the cards stacked heavily against the trade unionists,
the growth of the democratic ideal of working collectively to achieve
common goals was inevitable. The motto of the American Plan was:
“Every man to work out his own salvation and not to be bound by the
shackles of organization to his own detriment.” But workers all over
the country and in all types of occupations rallied to the cause of
solidarity: “In unity there is strength.”
During the 1920s, as the economy was continuing to grow after the
war, the open shop became a recognized technique for denying the
whole process of collective bargaining. Some employers reacted to
growing unionism by adopting paternalistic management policies
designed to mollify workers. They voluntarily granted wage in¬
creases and established better working conditions. But this small
group of employers, in its attempt to forestall the growing trend
toward unionism, was merely attempting to silence the democratic
voice of the worker as projected through his union.
A much more prevalent response of employers however, was to
wage an all-out war on unions. In their eager attempt to thwart the
power of unions, employers organized into open shop associations in
every part of the country. These groups mushroomed in thousands of
localities around the nation, with New York servingas the home of 50
open shop associations at one time, Illinois 46, Massachusetts 18 and
Michigan 23.
Representatives from these local associations met at a conference
in Chicago in 1921 in order to plot strategy and exchange ideas. When
they split up to return to their local groups, they had a large supply of
anti-union rhetoric to fuel their local publications.
One Washington, D.C. open shop publication shows the general
trend of the anti-union rhetoric of the time. “Union labor wage
regulation boosts rent and building costs,” reported the open shop
association. “See it for yourself : Union carpenters in Washington are
paid $1.05 per hour ; in Baltimore 80 cents per hour . . . The man who
is getting a house built in Washington pays an extra 25tf an hour in
every carpenter's day because the union says he must.”
This tired old rhetoric is still being repeated today by similar
organizations. They continue to distort the facts which have been
well documented in numerous reliable studies. Recently, for ex¬
ample, one study showed statistically why union workers receive
higher wages — they are far more productive. According to the
ft
! 3LlL2 * f
*i
i
i
i
An early gathering of the leaders of the Building Trades Depart¬
ment.
Soon after the war, the Building Trades Department set back to
the task of acquiring more work for its members and resolving the
thorny jurisdictional disputes which continued to hinder the effec¬
tiveness of the trades. During the war, private buildingand construc¬
tion had dropped off by 90 percent due to the near total transforma¬
tion to a government-financed wartime economy. After the war, the
Department worked for the establishment of the National Board for
Jurisdictional Awards in the Building Industry in order to bring
peace to the trades.
Department President Donlin, Department Secretary William J.
Spencer, William Dobson of the Bricklayers, Carpenters President
William Hutcheson and Sheet Metal Workers President John Hynes
represented the building trades in discussions held with representa¬
tives from the Department of Labor, the American Institute of
Architects, the Associated General Contractors of America and the
National Association of Builders Exchanges.
Shortly thereafter, at the 1919 convention, delegates elected Dob¬
son, Hutcheson and Hynes to represent the building trades on the
impartial jurisdictional tribunal.
The establishment of the jurisdictional disputes board came at a>
98
were augmented by nation-wide campaigns led by organizationssuch
as the National Association of Manufacturers. Rather than spend its
money to raise wages or benefit workers, the National Association of
Manufacturers in 1921 published a slick “Open Shop Encyclopedia for
Debaters,” which it described as a reference book for use by teach¬
ers, students and public speakers. The book served as a propaganda
tool to spread the anti-union message.
Indicative of the depth of anti-union sentiment in society in the
early 1920s was a Chicago court decision which had a stunning effect
on the building trades. When building trades unions struck in 1921
over wage rates, the decision eventually went to Federal Judge
Kennesaw M. Landis for arbitration. Judge Landis, who later gained
fame as the hard-nosed judge who cleaned up major league baseball,
ordered a 25 percent reduction in wage rates from the 1914 level
(which was even lower than the employers had agreed to pay), barred
work stoppages, permitted hiring non-union men when union men
were not available, permitted journeymen to use the tools of any
trade, and permitted no restriction of output, machinery, methods
and appliances, or raw materials. In addition, Landis ruled that the
employer had the right to fire anyone, and foremen were considered
exclusively the agents of the employer.
Though the Landis decision lasted only two years, it represents a
dark period not just in building trades history, but in the struggle for
workers’ rights. Employers formed a committee to enforce the deci¬
sion and imported out-of-town labor, employed guards and hired a
corps of detectives to inspect jobs tosee that the award was enforced.
Unions that would not comply with the decision were systematically
boycotted.
The decade of the 1920s is generally remembered asone of prosper¬
ity for the American economy. But little of the wealth trickled down
to the struggling American worker. While there was a boom in
construction — new schools were built with gymnasiums, swimmingpools, cafeterias and other modern amenities — wages never keptpace with inflation.
Indeed, Labor Department studies for 1921 and 1922 showed that
90 percent of working people failed to earn the $2,000 to $2,500 a year
necessary for a “minimum health and decency budget.”
Despite the fact that wages were trailing inflation, the increase in
construction brought an increase in jobs, and with that, an increase in
membership throughout the building trades. In the first half of 1926
alone, the Building Trades Department gained 30,000 new members,
as unions successfully organized large projects and settled jurisdic¬
tional disputes. This brought the total to more than 570,000 for the
year for the 16 international unions which comprised the Depart¬
ment.
But as the decade wore on, more of the nation’s available capital
study, conducted at a major university, union construction workers
have an output at least 29 percent greater than non-union workers.
The productivity study also shows that if the extra productivity is
entirely attributable to labor, union members are at least 38 percent
more productive than other workers in construction.
But during the 1920s, the anti-union rhetoric was just reflective of
a larger anti-union bias throughout the entire society. Anti-union
laws prevailed because many members of Congress and state legisla¬
tures were anti-union. The courts handed down anti-union decisions
because many judges followed the prevailing bias in favor of employ¬
ers.
Thus the open shop movement could achieve a greater degree of
respectability than it deserved by enlisting the president of the
United States to back its cause. President Warren Harding wrote:
“Liberty is gone in America when any man is denied by anybody the
right to work and live by that work. It does not matter who denies. A
free American has the right to labor without any other’s leave. ...”
Many workers were later to recall the words of President Harding
when they were thrown out of their jobs during the Depression.
Surely they could agree that the right to work was one of the most
fundamental of American principles. But the surest way to achieve
the goal of full employment for all was not through open-shop cut¬
throat competition between workers which only drove wages lower
and lower. It later became clear that the process of cut-throat
competition between workers left them with not enough money to
eat, let alone buy the thousands of new products which were being
mass produced in the new technological society. It was the low wages
of workers during the 1920s which eventually brought the wheels of
industry grinding to a halt in the Depression when they simply did
not have enough money to buy the goods which they produced.
But the anti-union sentiment prevailed among a great many Amer¬
icans as the open shop movement took hold. Senator Porter J.
McCumber of North Dakota spoke against the Washington, D.C.
union’s request for a wage increase to keep pace with inflation: “Is it
not understood that when, in building a hotel here, $24 a day is paid
for a plasterer, the guests of that hotel will have to pay the bill? There
thousands of workers, thousands of girls and young men here in
this city who are not receiving proper nourishment because they
must pay out most of their salary for a little room where they can
shield themselves from the cold.” [Prevailing wage at the time actual¬
ly was between $8-$9 a day.]
In his statement Senator McCumber echoed the same argument
that building tradesmen voiced in their attempt to get a wage in¬
crease. Inflation had forced many workers into substandard housing
and left them with an inadequate diet.
The efforts of local open shop associations such as the D.C. group
are
1110
greatest depth of human suffering that our country has ever known.
Men walked the streets in search of almost any task which would earn
money for food for their families, and, when no jobs could be found at
home, they began moving from city to city. Men who had spent their
lives working were forced tostand in breadlines and souplines merely
to get enough nourishment to go another day.
The form of ‘‘welfare capitalism” which became popular during the
1920s, with employers granting benefits instead of wage increases,
was suddenly withdrawn, leaving workers in the lurch. The so-called
company unions provided absolutely no protection for workers,
pink slips of dismissal were distributed in plant after plant in
wholesale lots.
The American economy ground to a halt and left workers with
jobs, no food and no protection. There was no unemployment in¬
surance, social security or legal protection for the wage earner.
Businesses went bankrupt at unprecedented rates, sending the
economy into even greater despair, yet the Hoover Administration
optimistically promised that “prosperity was just around the
comer.”
“Unemployment is the greatest problem that confronts us today,”
resounded Building Trades Department President Michael McDon¬
ough at the 1930 convention. “A solution to this vexing problem must
be found. As there has been a great decrease in building construction
within the past year, many of our members have been affected, and
added to the already large number of unemployed of other indus¬
tries.”
President McDonough went on to call on the federalgovernment to
“speed up on the public construction program for which Congress has
already appropriated the necessary funds. The various states and
municipalities could help by appropriating money for public works. If
there is not a resumption of building construction soon, we can aid in
this problem by working less hours per day.”
Sadly, there was so little work to be had anywhere that the reduc¬
tion of the work week was simply not enough to begin to solve the
problem of unemployment.
But even from thedarkest depths of the Depression thereemerged
a twinkle of light for workers. Several states passed legislation to
improve working conditions. Fourteen states approved old age pen¬
sions, numerous new workmen’s compensation laws were adopted
and Wisconsin pioneered the field with a new Labor Bill of Rights and
unemployment insurance.
On the national level, Congress passed the Norris-La Guardia Act,
which outlawed the yellow-dog contract and severely curtailed the
authority of the courts to issue injunctions in labor disputes. Up to
that time, employers had simply gone to the courts to stop strikes,
charging that they constituted a restraint of free trade.
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The first officers of the Building Trades Department, 1908.
invested in speculative stock market ventures and less in the
solid housing market. The construction industry began to decline in
1927, with building permits the first to drop. By 1929, the construc¬
tion industry was suffering from an investment malaise.
The words of Department President William J. McSorley to the
1929 convention (held in October 1929, only weeks before the great
stock market crash) seem prophetic to later readers. “Coming events
cast their shadows before,” warned President McSorley. “I have not
changed my mind sinceour last convention regarding the responsibil¬
ity for the decline in building permits throughout the country at that
time, and I am of the opinion that our present slump in the building
industry has been caused by many of the banks, corporations, build¬
ing and loan associations, and even religious institutions and associa¬
tions, sending their surplus funds into the field of brokerage loans,
for the purpose of promoting stock market gambling.”
When the market crashed on October 29, the effect was to evapo¬
rate, overnight, a large segment of the nation’s currency which had
been circulating freely in the form of credit. When confidence evapo¬
rated, credits were withdrawn, margin was called in and stock in¬
terests sold as investors could not cover their investments and were,
in effect, bankrupt. Businesses failed, and those which did not fail
shortened their scopes of operation. Financing capital for building
was at a complete standstill.
The Depression that followed the stock market crash brought the
was
1312
in the hearings before the Senate Committee on Manufactures, and
the measure sailed through Congress by voice votes in both the
House and Senate. The conclusion of the Committee report speaks
for itself:
“This measure does not require the Government to establish any
new wage scales in any portion of the country. It merely gives the
Government the power to require its contractors to pay their employ¬
ees the prevailing wage scales in the vicinity of the building projects.
This is only fair and just to the employees, the contractors, and the
Government alike. It gives a square deal to all.”
Thus the Davis-Bacon Act was designed to meet the twin problems
of stability of the construction industry as well as the level of wages
paid to construction workers — problems which were affecting not
only workers, but also their communities, the government and the
contractors who supported the passage of the Act in 1931.
But the passage of Davis-Bacon in 1931 could offer little immediate
relief to building tradesmen, who walked the streets in droves. The
nation’s economy was in astate of disintegration. Hundreds of banks,
heavily laden with frozen assets, had declared themselves insolvent
during the previous two years. Insurance companies, with their
heavy investments in industry, commerce and real estate, were
shaky. And the construction industry was at a standstill.
Even the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt did not elicit great
cheers from working men. To most workers Roosevelt
known quantity. Many were skeptical of his Hudson Valley-Harvard
background. But others were cheered by his concern for the nation’s
unemployed workers. During his campaign Roosevelt listened
sympathetically to labor leaders who related to him the sorry plight
of the man in the street, and he promised privately and publicly to do
what he could to relieve distress and improve labor conditions.
As President Roosevelt clearly announced in his inaugural address
“Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. ... I am
prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.”
When Franklin D. Roosevelt took office with this promise of a
“New Deal,” he was already surrounded by advisers with various
plans to bring the nation relief from its distress, to reverse the
Depression, and to make reforms which would prevent future
nomic catastrophes. Among them were men who had become sincere¬
ly concerned with labor’s plight and labor’s problems, and who re¬
vealed a willingness to use the powers of the federal government to
solve those problems. Given the sympathetic support of the presi¬
dent, they threw themselves headlong into the job.
The New Dealers created numerous reforms in order to restore
economic health to the torn nation and allow workers to get back
the job. Among the most important for building tradesmen, how-
While the Norris-LaGuardia Act provided unions with no new
rights, it allowed them a greater degree of freedom in which to
operate free from court control. This helped unions greatly to orga¬
nize, but not through any nurturing process by the government. The
Act did not require workers to join unions, nor did it stop employers
from preventing the development and operation of unions by
methods other than the use of the injunction. But it did keep the
courts from governing by injunction.
Even more important for the building trades was the enactment in
1931 of the Davis-Bacon Act, which guaranteed that the prevailing
wage was paid on federally-supported construction projects. The Act
had gained its roots in the years before the Depression, but finally
was passed by Congress in 1931.
Early in 1927, Congressman Robert L. Bacon (R-N.Y.), a banker
prior to his election to Congress, introduced legislation to require
that local prevailing wage standards be met in federal public con¬
struction. Bacon was presenting the legislation not in response to the
Depression, but to the destabilizing effects of underbidding on con¬
struction contracts.
Labor standards at that time were high in Bacon’s native New
York. The congressman affirmed, “wages are fair and there has been
no difficulty in the building trades between employee and employer
... for some time.” But what did concern Bacon was the award of a
contract for construction of a veterans’ hospital to a contractor who
had won the award by underbidding his competitors by paying sub¬
standard wages. Describing this process of unregulated bidding at a
congressional hearing, Bacon observed:
“Of course that meant that the labor conditions in that part of New
York State where this hospital was to be built were entirely upset. It
meant that the neighboring community was very much upset.”
Clearly, it was the destabilizing effect of unregulated bidding that
concerned Bacon. In Bacon’s view, the very least the federal govern¬
ment could do when engaging in construction work was to comply
with the local standards of wages and labor prevailing in the locality
where the building construction was to take place. In drafting his bill,
Bacon sought to stabilize the community standards by defining the
prevailing local wage so that the federal government might adhere to
Though Bacon introduced his legislation in 1927, 1928and 1930 and
retained bi-partisan support each time, it was not until former Secre¬
tary of Labor James J. Davis was elected to the Senate that the bill
got through the legislative process. Davis had served as Secretary of
Labor in three Republican administrations for nearly a decade and
made one of his first acts as a Senator the introduction of a companion
bill to the Bacon bill in the House.
The Hoover Administration fully supported the Davis-Bacon Act
was an un-
eco-it.
on
1514
ever, were the Public Works Administration (P.W.A.) and the
Works Progress Administration. Title II of the National Industrial
Recovery Act provided for the institution of a gigantic public works
program designed to create business for heavy industries in particu¬
lar and all industry in general, and thereby to stimulate recovery and
to provide employment for large numbers of workers. Congress
appropriated $3.3 billion for this purpose and the president created
the Public Works Administration to carry out the program.
Though slow in getting off the ground, the Public Works Adminis¬
tration provided building tradesmen with jobs building many differ¬
ent types of public facilities. By 1939, the P.W.A. had spent or
allocated some $6 billion for construction in all but three counties of
the entire nation. The employment rolls of the P.W.A. generally ran
between 200,000 and 300,000 a month as building tradesmen con¬
structed highways, post offices, courthouses, warehouses, municipal
waterworks, sewage and electrical plants, hospitals and school-
houses.
Not satisfied with the progress of earlier legislative attempts, the
Roosevelt Administration in 1935 pushed for passage of the
Emergency Relief Act which was designed to provide relief work for
the able-bodied unemployed on useful projects. Nearly $5 billion was
appropriated to plan and administer projects, prescribe rules for the
selection of workers and regulate the condition of labor. Out of this
Emergency Relief Act came the Works Progress Administration.
Within six months nearly 3 million workers were on the rolls of the
W.P.A. Many useful projects from the construction of highways to
the building of stadiums to the improvement of airplane landing fields
were completed under the W.P.A. Wages were low, but workers
were able to regain their pride after years of inactivity.
Building tradesmen and the entire labor movement rejoiced at the
passage of the most important piece of labor legislation in American
history. The Wagner Act, passed in 1935, not only allowed workers
the right to organize and bargain collectively, but encouraged organi¬
zation in order to further the principle of democracy.
It became clear that the extension of the democratic process to the
workplace was necessary and appropriate if the nation were to re¬
main free and democratic. As Senator Robert Wagner once said,
“Let men know the dignity of freedom and self-expression in their
daily lives, and they will never bow to tyranny in any quarter of their
national life.” At the core of the Wagner Act is the principle that a
free and democratic society cannot exist without a free and democrat¬
ic trade union movement.
An equally important purpose of the Wagner Act was to establish
more stability in the U.S. economy. New Dealers recognized that the
traditional economic practices had failed to provide the nation with
economic prosperity, and for some very basic reasons. Chief among
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Building tradesmen contributed manpower, money and full support
to the nation's war effort .
these was the fact that employers who paid substandard wages to
non-union employees contributed to and prolonged downturns in the
business cycle because workers did not earn enough money to pur¬
chase the products which they were turning out. Collective bargain¬
ing, because it would allow workers to bargain together to earn more
1716
money, would bring the economy out of the prolonged downturn.
Even many employers realized the basic problems with the tradi¬
tional economic system. As one employer put it who supported the
Wagner Act:
“It became obvious to the management of our company that no
mass production could be earned on unless there was increased
purchasing power by the great masses of people. To us this meant
there must be increases in wages and shortening of hours. This
became the very fixed conviction of our management. The more
difficult question was as to how this should be accomplished, and we
arrived at the conclusion that collective bargaining by employer and
employee . . . was the only means by which, under our system, any
adjustment in the equitable distribution of income could be accom¬
plished.”
Industrial plants of the nation were employing many thousands of
building trades mechanics in the operation, repair and maintenance
of their plants. As some international unions began to give wide
interpretations to their jurisdictions, conflicts arose which were not
easily settled. The trade union movement was primarily built along
craft lines at this time.
But advocates of industrial unionism within the AF of L began to
speak with a louder voice, leading the AF of L to adopt a resolution at
its 1934 convention calling for the chartering of unions in the “auto¬
mobile, cement, aluminum, and such other mass production and
miscellaneous industries.”
This action sparked a slow burning conflict between industrial
unions that anxiously wanted to organize plants, and craft unions
that maintained that their long-standing craft jurisdictions were
being violated. Eventually, the issue came toa head at the 1935 AF of
L convention when two separate reports were submitted by the
resolutions committee.
The majority report declared that the AF of L guaranteed “to
protect the jurisdictional rights of all trade unions organized upon
craft lines.” Accordingly, industrial charters would violate the agree¬
ment that had always existed between the federation and its craft
affiliates. The minority report insisted that in any industry where the
work performed by a majority of the workers fell within the jurisdic¬
tional claim of more than one craft union, industrial organization was
“the only form that will be acceptable to the workers or adequately
meet their needs.”
The convention overwhelmingly ruled in favor of the majority
report, which affirmed the jurisdictional divisions along craft lines.
Following the convention, industrial unionists formed the Commit¬
tee for Industrial Organization, later to become the Congress of
Industrial Organizations (CIO), and the labor movement began a
20-year split.
During this same period, a split developed within the Department,
which was resolved with a reunion of two factions at its 1935 conven¬
tion in Atlantic City. It was also at this convention that the Depart¬
ment recognized the broadened range of its membership and changed
its name to its present form — the Building and Construction Trades
Department.
The Depression, long and devastating in its effects, was finally
ending as the decade of the 1930s came to a close. But there was no
time for American workers to rest. In the early morning of Decem¬
ber 7, 1941, the Japanese navy attacked Pearl Harbor, forcing the
United States into the most destructive war in world history.
Immediately, building tradesmen mobilized to meet the challenge
of supplying the nation’s construction needs during the war. Even in
the months and years before the attack at Pearl Harbor, building
tradesmen had been hard at work helping to supply America’s allies
in the war effort. Since the fall of France the defense program in the
United States had been operating in earnest. Employment in public
construction increased from 552,000 in May 1940 to 953,000 a year
later. Total construction employment was to reach the all-time peak
of 2.9 million three months before Pearl Harbor.
The defense program was making extraordinary demands for
skilled labor which resulted in serious shortages at some defense
projects located in isolated areas. Competition developed for labor,
and double-time rates were used to attract men to these isolated
projects.
In order to deal with this situation, the Office of Production
Management called a meeting between government contracting
agencies and the Building and Construction Trades Department to
attempt to stabilize wages in the segment of the construction indus¬
try employed on national defense projects.
A month of conferences between the Army and Navy contracting
agencies and the Department leaders produced the historic Wage
Stabilization Agreement. The agreement provided for a no-strike
pledge by building tradesmen and established a Board of Review to
settle any issues that might arise. In addition, the agreement pro¬
vided for uniform overtime rates and uniform shift pay on all national
defense projects.
Once the war began, the cooperative spirit shown in the Stabiliza¬
tion Agreement strengthened, as the entire labor movement heeded
the call of the AF of L Executive Council to “unite in unanimous
support of the President, of our nation and its allies for the prosecu¬
tion of total war for the preservation of democracy here and through¬
out the world.”
At the request of President Roosevelt, labor and management
entered into an agreement for the duration of the war which was
designed to keep industrial peace in wartime. Both business and
18 19I
more did the same at Guam and Wake Island. In the states, building
tradesmen eagerly signed up to help in the defense effort on island
outposts. Within two days in December 1941, more than 3,000 build¬
ing tradesmen registered at the state employment office in New
York City for shipyard jobs in the Pacific war zone. Similar reports
came from around the country.
The building trades not only cooperated with the no-strike pledge,
but also signed the historic Wage Stabilization Agreement in May
1942 in order to curb the growing menace of inflation. The agreement
provided that on all construction work financed by the government,
wage rates paid under collective bargaining agreements as of July 1,
1942 should remain in effect for at least one year, subject to annual
renewal of the agreement for the duration of the war. In addition, the
agreement provided for a Wage Adjustment Board to determine
whether wage increases should be made, and in what amount.
Assistant Secretary of Labor Daniel W. Tracy paid particular
tribute to building tradesmen at the 1943 convention: “When the
nation called for skilled craftsmen, either to build or fight, or to do
both, in any part of the United States, or in any part of the world, the
Building and Construction Trades of the American Federation of
Labor were not only ready and willing but anxious to go ‘all out’ for
victory.”
In the spring of 1943, building tradesmen paused from wartime
activities to mourn the death of Department President John P.
Coyne. President Coyne had led the Department admirably during
the difficult war period. Constantly traveling to assist in the timely
construction of Army camps, airfields and naval training stations
across the nation, Coyne also served on the War Adjustment Board
created by Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins. Second Vice Presi¬
dent Richard J. Gray succeeded President Coyne as leader of the
Department.
Americans experienced a temporary sense of joy in 1944 when
D-Day signaled the beginning of the end of war in Europe. But a big
push was necessary to bring peace both in Europe and in the Pacific.
In the fall of 1944, the federal government issued an emergency call
to the Building and Construction Trades Department to supply man¬
power to produce increased quantities of critically needed materials.
The War Department called for 10,000 workers to be rushed at
once to 38 war plants to make bombs, heavy artillery, radar, heavy
trailers, assault wire, heavy shells, aircraft propellers, rockets and
rocket launchers, batteries and other essential war items. The efforts
of building tradesmen at this critical time helped to turn the tide in
Europe and bring victory over Hitler’s Nazis.
The efforts of building tradesmen and the entire nation finally
came to fruition on May 7, 1945 when Germany surrendered uncondi¬
tionally to the Allies — only a month after the death of President
labor agreed to the following program: no strikes or lockouts for the
duration, peaceful settlement of industrial disputes and the creation
of a War Labor Board to handle all disputes which could not be solved
through normal procedures.
In essence, labor surrendered its most potent weapon and sus¬
pended collective bargaining procedures and put its future in the
hands of the Board. This arrangement worked well for labor and the
government with one notable exception.
Coal strikes swept the nation during the early months of 1943. The
United Mine Workers, led by John L. Lewis, defied the National War
Labor Board and would not cooperate with it to find a peaceful
solution for the coal disputes. At times, its officers even refused to
attend the coal dispute hearings conducted by the Board.
This uncooperative stance by the Mine Workers created an anti¬
labor sentiment in the Congress and the nation which resulted in the
War Labor Disputes Act. The Act gave sweeping authority to the
president to seize war facilities; made it a criminal offense to in¬
stigate, direct or aid a strike in a government-seized plant; gave the
National War Labor Board statutory authority and defined its
powers; prohibited labor organizations from contributing funds for
political purposes; and, finally, outlawed strikes in privately oper¬
ated war plants unless and until thirty-day strike notices had been
filed and a strike vote taken to indicate the strike desires of war
workers.
All of labor decried the excessively restrictive law. President
Roosevelt vetoed the law, declaring that:
“All labor as well as American business gave their ‘no-strike,
no-lockout’ pledge after the attack on Pearl Harbor. That pledge has
been well kept except in the case of the leaders of the United Mine
Workers. For the entire year of 1942, the time lost by strikes aver¬
aged only 5/100ths of 1 percent of the total man hours worked. The
American people should realize that fact — that 99and 95/100 percent
of the work went forward without strikes and that only 5/100ths of 1
percent of the work was delayed by strikes. That record has never
before been equaled in this country.”
But Congress would have nothing of the president’s veto and
promptly overrode it. Though the War Labor Disputes Act had little
real effect during the war, it proved to be an ominous sign for the
future. For the underlying mood of the country was changing from
the pro-labor days of the New Deal to the anti-labor era of Taft-
Hartley and Landrum-Griffin.
Certainly, labor’s patriotic backing of which President Roosevelt
spoke was nowhere better exemplified than in the building trades.
When the Japanese attacked Midway, 700 building tradesmen who
were working on construction projects on the island laid down their
tools to assist the Navy and Marines in their fight. Four hundred
2120
Roosevelt. Just three months later, peace reigned throughout the
world when theJapanese surrendered. The dropping of the devastat¬
ing atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki ushered in an entirely
new atomic age and forever changed the meaning of war.
Sadly, the tremendous patriotic effort put out by labor during the
war was frequently not matched by business. Towards the end of the
war, a Senate Finance Commission report revealed scandalous war
profits made by American corporations.
The report listed few names, but showed that more than 200
companies were guilty of profiteering. Of those 200, 19 companies
making perishable tools were shown to be making profits 11 times
their pre-war (1936-39) average. Profits for 18 lumber companies for
the same period were shown to have quadrupled.
But rather than focus on the profit-hungry attitude of business, the
press continued its anti-labor bent, rousing repressive sentiment in
the nation. Both the general public and the Congress cried that
industrial conflict had grown too great and called for revision of the
nation’s labor laws.
Congress responded with the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act, a
law which vastly restricted trade unions. The purpose of the Act, the
preamble explained, was to assist the free flow of commerce through
support of collective bargaining. But since unions might restrict the
free flow of commerce through collective bargaining, the Act was also
intended to restrain such behavior.
While the Act approved bona fide collective bargaining and
assured employees that they had the right to organize and bargain
collectively, it alsoasserted that individuals had the right to refuse to
join unions under certain circumstances.
It specifically outlined unfair labor practices on the part of unions,
including: 1) the closed shop; 2) inducing an employer to discriminate
against an employee who had been discharged from a union for any
reason other than the failure to pay dues; 3) restraint or coercion of
employees in their right to organize into trade unions; 4) refusal to
bargain collectively with any employer; 5) inducing a strike or
boycott with the purpose of forcing an employer to institute a closed
shop or recognize a union not certified by the NLRB, or to force the
management into recognizing a union when another had been certi¬
fied by the board, or to force management toassign work to members
of a certain union or craft when the employer was already complying
with an NLRB certification order; 6) charging excessive initiation
fees when a union shop was in existence; and 7) attempting to cause
an employer to pay for work not actually performed.
The bill was immediately bitterly criticized by the entire labor
movement and vetoed by President Truman. In vetoing the bill,
Truman declared:
“The bill taken as a whole would reverse the basic direction of our
national labor policy, inject the Government into private economic
affairs on an unprecedented scale, and conflict with important princi¬
ples of our democratic society. Its provisions would cause more
strikes, not fewer. It would contribute neither to industrial peace nor
to economic stability and progress. It would be a dangerous stride in
the direction of a totally managed economy. It contains seeds of
discord which would plague this Nation for years to come.”
Congress, however, overrode the president’s veto and Taft-
Hartley became law. Charging that the law was “conceived in a spirit
of vindictiveness against unions,” AF of L President William Green
objected vigorously on the behalf of labor. In particular, labor ob¬
jected to Section 14(b), which permitted states to outlaw union shops
even though the Taft-Hartley Act approved of them — an openinvitation to engage in union busting under the wing of the law.
But while the anti-labor mood persisted in the nation, the country
was also experiencing the tremendous post-war construction boom
which brought hundreds of thousands of jobs to building tradesmen.
Building tradesmen were back at their jobs, but often lacked the
necessary supplies tocarry out a construction agenda of such gigantic
proportions. In many instances, these shortages had the unfortunate
consequence of driving up building costs.
During the early post-war period, the Civilian Production Admin¬
istration, successor to the War Production Board, set materials
controls which were designed to favor the returning veteran and his
family who were looking for housing. But the whole period of con¬
trolled materials was a distressingone in many ways for the construc¬
tion worker. Dissatisfaction with the general plan resulted in the
appointment of a Facilities Review Committee toease hardship cases
and speed general construction. Controls were a constant headache
and remained such until the pipelines of construction materials filled
up to supply an industry which was straining at the industrial leash.
But even the nagging controls could not quell the enthusiasm of a
growing society which was swiftly moving into its most productive
period in history. Building tradesmen took part in more than $12
billion worth of construction during 1946 and an additional $9 billion
during the first eight months of 1947. By 1950, new construction had
reached a total of almost $25 billion — an astounding tribute to theability of building tradesmen to switch from a wartime economy to
the engine of peace. Housing, stores, factories, hospitals, schools and
other community facilities had to be built for the society which was
quickly moving into its “baby boom” era.
Perhaps the most significant event of the post-war period was the
merger of the AF of L and the CIO. The two organizations began
working together as early as 1946 through joint committees to fight
anti-labor legislation, eliminate raiding, establish procedures to arbi¬
trate jurisdictional disputes and to establish effective machinery for
22 23
political action. These cooperative efforts eventually led to the
establishment of a Unity Committee which was assigned the task of
developing plans for a total merger.
With the goal of creating “a single trade union center . . . which
will preserve the integrity of each affiliated national and internation¬
al union,” the Unity Committee began meeting in October 1954.
When the Unity Committee had agreed on the terms of the merger,
they presented the proposal to the executive bodies of the AF of L
and the CIO, which both promptly ratified it.
The objectives and principles of the new organization, as worked
out in the constitution were as follows: 1) to aid workers in securing
improved wages, hours, and working conditions with due regard for
the autonomy and integrity of affiliated unions; 2) to promote the
organization of the unorganized into unions of their own choosing,
giving recognition to both craft and industrial unionism; 3) to encour¬
age formation of local, state and local central bodies, and nationals,
and the affiliation of such organizations with the new federation; 4) to
encourage all workers without regard to race, creed, or national
origin to share in full benefits of unionism; 5) to secure legislation
which would safeguard and promote the principle of free collective
bargaining; 6) to protect and strengthen the nation’s democratic
institutions; 7) to give constructive aid in promoting the cause of
peace and freedom in the world; 8) to preserve and maintain the
integrity of each affiliated union in the organization; 9) to encourage
the sale and use of union-made goods and union services and to
promote the labor press; 10) to protect the labor movement from any
and all corrupt influences and from the undermining efforts of com¬
munist agencies and all others who were opposed to the basic princi¬
ples of democracy; 11) to encourage workers to register and vote and
to exercise their full rights and responsibilities as citizens, at the
same time preserving the independence of the labor movement from
political control.
AF of L and CIO executive committees ratified the new constitu¬
tion with a speed that amazed the nation. Building tradesmen could
take particular pride in the merger as plumber George Meany was
elected to lead the new organization which unified the labor move¬
ment.
There was much for building tradesmen to be proud about as the
Building and Construction Trades Department came upon the fiftieth
anniversary of its chartering. In 1957, the Department represented
1.7 million construction workers across the nation. The Building and
Construction Trades Department and its affiliated unions were con¬
stantly in the vanguard in the struggle to protect the rights of
working people everywhere.
But there wasn’t much time for self-congratulation. As usual,
there were challenges and problems to overcome. The year 1958
«
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BPP'
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“City Building” by Thomas Hart Benton.
marked the eve of a new era for America and for the American labor
movement. Some of the problems the Department faced were old,
some were new, and all demanded the same steadfast determination
to succeed that had seen building tradesmen through a multitude of
struggles and threats.
An on-going problem that plagued the Department in the late
1950s was the occurrence of persistent jurisdictional disputes with (i
the industrial unions which had recently merged with the AF of L.
All too often, skilled building tradesmen stood by and watched as
members of industrial unions built new plants, built additions to
factories or performed maintenance construction such as re-roofing
of manufacturing facilities. Such incursions into areas of work tradi¬
tionally performed by skilled craftsmen bred ill will and unrest in
many situations. Pickets, counter-pickets and grievances snarled
production schedules and strained tempers at a time when unity was
as important as ever to the labor movement.
Realizing that jurisdiction would be a source of conflict between
24 25
to expel the International Brotherhood of Teamsters from mem¬
bership in the federation.
This action was not taken lightly or with relish. At the time of the
expulsion, the Teamsters was the single largest union in the AFL-
CIO. Ousting the union meant splitting unions apart, a thought alien
to men who had dedicated their lives to solidarity within the labor
movement. Forcing the Teamsters out of the federation divided the
house of labor and carried the threat of renewed inter-union conflict
like that which had forced the industrial unions away from the AF of
L in the 1930s.
With these thoughts in mind, the Executive Council of the Building
and Construction Trades Department voted on the Teamsters’
affiliation in January 1958. When the voting was done, the Teamsters
had been expelled. The Council decided to back the federation and
show the world that corruption has no place in the American labor
movement.
As a result of the investigation by the Senate Select Committee on
Labor Management Racketeering, there was a renewed call by anti¬
labor forces for legislation to bring organized labor under the close
scrutiny of the federal government. While the idea of legislation to
fight labor corruption was one with which unions agreed, there was
much disagreement on how the law should operate. Building Trades
legislative specialists, along with the AFL-CIO, lobbied Congress
for a fair and reasonable bill that would help end corruption on both
sides of the negotiating table. Among those members of Congress
fighting for fair treatment of unions was a young senator named John
F. Kennedy.
Despite the introduction of a much fairer bill co-sponsored by
Senator Kennedy, and despite the labor movement’s intense support
of the Kennedy bill, Congress passed the highly restrictive Labor
Management Reporting and Disclosure Act in 1959. Passage of the
law meant that, unlike any other institution in the country, organized
labor would be constantly answering to the federal government.
Under the law, which became known as the Landrum-Griffin Act, the
government was given authority to supervise union elections, in¬
spect financial records, determine the interval between union con¬
ventions and elections, and otherwise oversee the operations of the
labor movement. For organized labor, which prides itself on its
democratic principles, this law was a slap in the face and an insult to
the thousands of dedicated, hard working union officials who had
never betrayed the trust placed in them by their fellow workers.
As it had in the past, the United States called upon building
tradesmen in the late 1950s and early 1960s to bring the nation’s
defenses up to date. An ambitious program to install intercontinental
ballistic missiles across the country depended on the speed and
quality with which silos could be built. True to form, skilled crafts-
the newly united unions, AF of L and CIO leaders had met repeated¬
ly before the reunification convention in hopes of coming to an under¬
standing of the division of labor between craft and industrial unions.
Unfortunately, they were never able to reach an agreement. After
the merger, meetings continued with the involvement of the federa¬
tion’s highest officers, but still there was no resolution to the vexing
problem. Finally, in late 1957, thanks to the efforts of a special
committee chosen by the Executive Council of the AFL-CIO, an
agreement was reached between the unions affiliated with the Build¬
ing and Construction Trades Department and most of the industrial
unions which made up the Industrial Union Department. This under¬
standing, and the dispute resolution mechanism created later, sub¬
stantially reduced the number of jurisdictional disputes between the
departments. It did not, however, completely solve this complex
problem, and jurisdiction would be a point of conflict between craft
and industrial unions for years to come.
The Department’s first fifty years came to a conclusion with the
organization’s leaders facing one of the most difficult decisions ever
thrust upon a group of labor leaders. In January 1958, the members
of the Department’s Executive Council had to decide if they should
concur with the actions of the AFL-CIO and expel the International
Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers
from the Department.
While there had been allegations of corruption against the Team¬
sters for many years, the situation came to a head in 1957 when the
Senate Select Committee on Labor Management Racketeering de¬
termined that Teamsters President Dave Beck was guilty of remov¬
ing funds from the union treasury for personal use. The evidence
presented at the hearings led the Committee to conclude that other
high ranking Teamsters officials were guilty of violating the trust
placed in them by union members. Revelations made by the Commit¬
tee prompted AFL-CIO President George Meany to start an in¬
vestigation into the Teamsters by the federation’s Ethical Practices
Committee.
At the outset of its investigation, the Ethical Practices Committee
stated that it was searching for evidence that the International
Brotherhood of Teamsters was “. . . dominated, controlled or sub¬
stantially influenced by any corrupt influence.” In the opinion of the
Committee’s members, such evidence was uncovered and as a result,
Dave Beck was suspended from his position on the AFL-CIO Execu¬
tive Council and the union was suspended from membership in the
federation. President Meany then explained to the Teamsters’ lead¬
ership that the union would be expelled from the AFL-CIO at the
December 1957 convention unless reform initiatives were under¬
taken. The Teamsters never responded; and on December 6, 1957, it
was the sad duty of the delegates to the AFL-CIO convention to vote
2726
mm—men finished the work on time or ahead of schedule in almost every
case. This was accomplished despite frequent design changes that
called for reconstruction of nearly complete installations. Unfortu¬
nately, this fine work went unnoticed for the most part, as organized
labor became a scapegoat for the tardy completion of the missile
system. Vicious press items and public statements by anti-labor
politicians sought to blame building tradesmen for delays for which
they were not responsible. As a result of the public outcry generated
by these misleading stories, and even though tradesmen had given a
no-strike pledge, the federal government authorized creation of the
Missile Sites Commission, an unnecessary panel designed to keep
labor peace on defense construction projects. Sadly, this was an
example of what anti-labor forces could accomplish through distor¬
tion of the facts.
On April 1, 1960, the Building and Construction Trades lost the
services of a most able leader when Richard J. Gray stepped down
after 17 years as president. Cornelius J. Haggerty, a prominent
building trades leader from California, was chosen to succeed Mr.
Gray and the Department continued to move ahead with its usual
effectiveness.
In 1957 and 1958, the country again fell into recession, and the
construction workers suffered greatly. However, led by heavily in¬
creased spending in the construction industry, the economy began a
spirited recovery later in 1958. Some 50 billion dollars in new con¬
struction and 16 billion dollars in renovation work were invested in
1958, a sign of the boom that was to come in the 1960s. But even as
construction spending rose, unemployment among building trades¬
men stayed high. Between 1957 and 1962, unemployment in the
construction industry had never been less than 12 percent. This was
due, in part, to technological advancements that allowed fewer work¬
ers to do the job and to an increasing pool of skilled workers seeking
employment.
The inauguration of John F. Kennedy as America’s youngest presi¬
dent in January of 1961 marked the beginning of one of the most
turbulent, progressive and wondrous decades in the nation’s history.
The New Frontier described by President Kennedy encompassed
technology, civil rights, the economy and other aspects of American
life, as the country sought to adjust to changes, challenges and
opportunities unimagined only a few years before. The events,
trends and attitudes of the sixties were to affect building tradesmen
along with the rest of American society.
In its continued effort to end the inter-union strife that still bedev¬
iled industrial and craft unions, the AFL-CIO ratified Article XX of
the federation constitution in 1961. This new passage set forth a
no-raiding system in which an impartial umpire would resolve com¬
plaints from one union against another. The decisions of the umpire
*i
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1 •
JXi IIf «•
iw
ft x
m k.
Delegates from around the nation gather for the conference of the
Building and Construction Trades Department. (Circa 1958)
are binding upon both parties. While there were the expected skep¬
ticisms and suggestions to improve the article, it has served very well
to help alleviate internal strife the labor movement can ill afford.
As the 1960s got under way, building tradesmen pushed hard for
legislation that would provide for the growing needs of the nation and
help put craftsmen back to work. The tremendous population growth
of the post-war baby boom and suburban growth created a desperate
need for housing, hospitals, schools, roads and sewer facilities.
Thanks in part to the active role taken by building tradesmen in the
1960 and 1962 elections, government leaders began to recognize the
importance of the various construction programs supported by the
Department. In 1962, Congress passed such bills as the Public Works
Acceleration Program, the Rivers and Harbors Projects Program, a
housing program for the elderly and the Federal Highway Act. These
programs and others provided large sums of money for construction,
and all contained the wage protections of the Davis-Bacon Act.
Even after the tragic death of President Kennedy, who had sup¬
ported many of the bills backed by labor, America continued forward
with a program of construction and revitalization. All of these pro-
2928
was further given the responsibility of reviewing the voting laws of
states with poor records in protecting voters' rights.
In 1965, the nation became further involved in the war in Vietnam.
Up to this point, America's involvement had been limited. But
prompted by an attack on American warships patrolling off the coast
of Vietnam, President Johnson declared his intention to put all the
nation’s might into the battle to stop communist aggression in South¬
east Asia. As in the past, union craftsmen heeded their nation’s call to
arms. Thousands of building tradesmen served in the armed forces
constructing facilities designed to improve the life of the Vietnamese
people, as well as building military facilities. At home, union mem¬
bers made their support of their country clear in speeches by leaders
and in mass demonstrations by rank and file members.
On August 9, 1965, fifty-two building tradesmen were killed in an
explosion and a flash fire deep underground while engaged in modify¬
ing a site in the Titan Missile Complex at Searcy, Arkansas. As an
editorial in the Washington Daily News commented, “They were
soldiers in the battle for national safety as truly as American service¬
men who have been killed in Vietnam.’’ The memory of these national
heroes was honored at the 1965 Building and Construction Trades
Department convention with a resolution and a minute of silent
prayer.
Perhaps because of their combined size and importance in society,
the building trades unions became a target for charges of discrimina¬
tion in employment. As early as 1963, BCTD officials found them¬
selves answering reckless charges to the effect that the building
trades unions barred or discouraged minority membership by keep¬
ing minority applicants out of apprenticeship programs. These
accusations*, which had been made by people unfamiliar with the
requirements for craft training, were given widespread attention
and were eventually brought to the attention of the federal govern¬
ment. Once again, the labor movement found itself singled out for a
problem that was widespread in society. In fact, a study sponsored
by the BCTD in the wake of the discrimination charges found that the
percentage of skilled minority workers was much higher in the build¬
ing trades than in the automobile, aircraft or electrical manufactur¬
ing industries, and substantially higher than in the Civil Service.
To boost minority participation in apprenticeship programs to an
even higher level, the Department adopted a statement calling upon
every local to seek qualified minority applicants and to do all that
they could to further the training and careers of these individuals.
The Department also established special programs to tutor potential
applicants in the skills they would need in order to participate in an
apprenticeship program. In 1967, the Department joined with the
federal government in the Apprenticeship Outreach Program which
was aimed at recruiting apprentices from the ranks of minority
grams, along with others aimed at correcting other problems in
American society, came to be known as President Johnson’s Great
Society program.
By 1965, Congress had passed laws authorizing millions of dollars
in construction to improve schools, medical facilities, depressed re¬
gions of the country and to improve or provide public utilities across
the country. This massive effort was undertaken with a vision of
America that she could, indeed, be a land of plenty.
At this same time, the United States was building up its defenses
against the threat of nuclear war and becoming involved in a con¬
ventional war in Southeast Asia that would eventually divide the
nation.
All of this government spending, combined with substantial cuts in
personal income and excise taxes, helped bring the nation's economy
to full speed by the mid-1960s. In his 1965 report to the convention,
Department President Cornelius Haggerty noted that unemploy¬
ment among construction workers had fallen to four percent for the
first time in a decade and that new construction put in place had
reached record levels.
The low level of unemployment and the successful efforts of build¬
ing tradesmen to improve their wages, working conditions and job
security suggested that in many ways the period from 1963 to 1965
had been the best in the Department’s history.
In addition to the large amount of federally-supported construction
authorized by the government during the sixties, a large number of
social programs and civil rights laws were enacted as the country
became aware of its obligation to the rights of all its citizens. In both
their legislative activities and in their day-to-day affairs, the building-
trades wholeheartedly supported efforts to bring full equality to
minority groups and to improve the standard of living for all Amer¬
icans.
A cornerstone of these efforts was the Civil Rights Act of 1964
which helped bring the full weight of the federal government's au¬
thority to bear in the battle to end racial discrimination. The Act
empowered the federal courts to issue injunctionsagainst discrimina¬
tion in public accommodations, authorized the Attorney General to
institute legal suits to protect constitutional rights in public facilities,
banned discrimination on federally-funded projects and in employ¬
ment opportunities, and reemphasized the government’s commit¬
ment to the constitutionally guaranteed right to vote.
That commitment was acted upon in 1965 with the implementation
of the Voting Rights Act. This landmark law made it illegal for any
state or political subdivision to impose any voting qualification or
procedure designed to deny the right to vote based on race or color.
The Justice Department was given the authority to file suits against
jurisdictions that applied unconstitutional voting requirements and
3130
m I to exercise our responsibility to bring about this desirable objective.At the same time, we believe it will serve the public interest for laborand management in this industry to solve jurisdictional problemswith a fair maximum of practical judgment and fairness and a mini¬
mum of government intervention.”
Among the changes brought about by the agreement were the
addition of an Appeals Board headed by an impartial umpire with the
authority to make final decisions, a rule that required the protection
of consumer interests in the decision-making process, a redefinition
of the criteria used in making jurisdictional decisions and a rule
providing for consultation with the appropriate management groups
in the negotiation of jurisdictional agreements between international
unions.
During the 1960s, America and the Soviet Union were involved in a
race to put a man on the moon with building tradesmen playing a
proud role in America’s eventual victory. Throughout the sixties,
union craftsmen worked with a special sense of dedication and
cooperation to build the facilities at Cape Canaveral which would
send Americans into orbit, around the moon, and eventually to the
moon’s surface.
The construction of the Cape Canaveral Space Center (later re¬
named the Kennedy Space Center in memory of the visionary presi¬
dent) was completed under one of the earliest project agreements.
These agreements, which were developed in the late fifties and early
sixties, are designed to provide certain advantages to union con¬
tractors who are bidding for work on extremely large or long-running
construction projects. For example, a project agreement might es¬
tablish standard overtime rates, work rules and conditions and holi¬
day schedules for every union on the job site. For a contractor who
will be dealing with members of several international unions, this can
make operations as well as bidding more effective. As a result of this
progressive program, thousands of jobs on important construction
projects have gone to union workers insuring quality workmanship
and fair rates of compensation.
While there are no set criteria for which projects will be granted
the special status, they are, for the most part, mammoth undertak¬
ings. Since the inception of the program, some of the most notable
engineering achievements have been built under project agree¬
ments, including the Trans-Alaska Oil Pipeline; The Kennedy Space
Center; Walt Disney World and its EPCOT Center; synthetic fuels
projects; atomic energy plants; and well over a hundred other pro¬
grams valued in excess of $22 billion. Project agreementsare granted
at the request of contractors or local unions at the discretion of a
committee of officials headed by the secretary-treasurer of the De¬
partment. Requests for project agreements are closely scrutinized
by the Committee. Many are rejected as not being in the best in-
'4
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4
MI
Building Trades Department President Cornelius J. Haggerty ad¬
dresses building trades delegates.
youth. In addition, the Department sought to recruit minority
journeyman builders into the building trades unions.
By 1969, the outreach programs were successful in recruitingsome
23,000 minority apprentices into the building trades. In an effort to
further boost minority recruitment by unions, the federal govern¬
ment passed additional regulations mandating an increase in the
number of minority craftsmen employed on federal job sites.
In February 1965, another step towards unity within the building
trades was taken when, at an impressive White House ceremony
hosted by President Johnson, a new agreement for the settlement of
jurisdictional disputes was signed by leaders of the Department and
by representatives of the Associated General Contractors and the
participating specialty contractors’ associations. President Johnson
called it a “heartening occasion” and “a very fine example of free and
responsible collective bargaining.”
The basic purpose of the agreement was to effect a number of
changes that management and labor felt would make the work of the
National Joint Board for the Settlement of Jurisdictional Disputes
more effective. In a joint statement, the participantssaid: “We firmly
believe we have come up with a plan which will work to the best
interests of the employees, the employers and the nation as a whole.
It is our purpose to make the use of the new machinery to reduce
substantially jurisdictional delays in private, public, and national
defense construction covered by this agreement. We are determined
32 33
terests of building tradesmen, as this .special device is used only in
legitimate and specific instances of need.
As the 1960s came to an end, the era of worker safety dawned. In
1970, the Occupational Safety and Health Act was enacted, creating
the Occupational Safety and Health Administration which was
charged with setting and enforcing standards of safety and health in
the workplace. Safety-related equipment and procedures for which
workers had previously been forced to bargain were now mandated
by law in many cases. Some 57 million workers were given added
workplace protection by the new law. Combined with the Federal
Construction Safety and Health Act, this was the largest step for¬
ward for worker safety in decades. Organized labor, and especially
the building trades unions which had lost 25,000 of their members to
work-related accidents during the sixties, celebrated the passage of
the bill as a great triumph for workers on the job site.
Massive defense spending to finance the Vietnam war, combined
with increased government outlays for Great Society programs,
forced the government into deficit spending — a posture whichinitiated the inflationary spiral that would plague the U.S. economy
over the coming decade. By the start of the 1970s, the construction
industry had suffered a slump, sending construction unemployment
soaring to an official rate of 11.2 percent, a figure Department Presi¬
dent Frank Bonadio called “about 3 percent low.” In addition to the
record interest rates that were stifling the construction industry, the
federal government cancelled billions of dollars of planned construc¬
tion projects while attempting to balance the federal budget.
In an effort to control the seemingly endless spiral of wage and
price increases, President Nixon in 1971 acted under the Economic
Stabilization Act of 1970 to freeze all wages and prices. Organized
labor strongly opposed this measure because of its unfairness to
workers. While it was easy for the federal government to keep a lid
on wages through monitoring collective bargaining agreements, it
was more difficult to keep prices in line. Despite the protests of wage
earners, the controls were left in place for almost three years.
In 1971, long-time building trades leader Cornelius Haggerty left
the Department presidency. After Mr. Haggerty's resignation for
health reasons, the Executive Council named then Secretary-
Treasurer Frank Bonadio as his replacement. The position of
secretary-treasurer was filled by the young and able president of the
Lathers union, Robert Georgine. In 1974, President Bonadiostepped
down, saying he believed it was time for a younger man to assume the
responsibilities of the presidency, and Secretary-Treasurer Geor¬
gine was elected president. Joseph Maloney, general organizer for
the International Brotherhood of Bridge, Structural and Ornamental
Ironworkers, was elected at the Department's 1975 convention to
replace Mr. Georgine as secretary-treasurer.
ret*
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Long-time AFL-CIO President George Meany addresses the 1961
convention of the Building and Construction Trades Department.
One of the great achievements of collective bargaining over the
years has been the establishment of pension funds for workers. By
the start of the 1970s, pension fund management had become big
business and an integral part of the financial planning of large firms.
At the time, numerous incidents of fund mismanagement and abuse
34 35
to insure that union pension moniesare invested in programs that
in the best long-term interest of organized labor and the causes it
supports. The Building and Construction Trades Department has
made special efforts to see that such funds are invested in job-
creating, nondiscriminatory and otherwise socially conscious proj¬
ects. The Pension Exposition series held in cities across the nation in
1981 and 1982 was undertaken to educate local building trades pen¬
sion officials regarding the dangers and opportunities of pension
investment and acquainting them with some of the pension invest¬
ment vehicles that best serve the needs and aims of union construc¬
tion workers.
In 1973, the National Joint Board was replaced with a new system
for the settlement of jurisdictional disputes. The Impai’tial Jurisdic¬
tional Disputes Board came into existence on June 3, 1973, and is
made up of three impartial members knowledgeable about the
struction industry. William J. Cour, who had served as chairman ofthe National Joint Board for more than 12 years, was appointed
chairman of the Impartial Board.
With the appointment of the Impartial Jurisdictional Disputes
Board, three publications were developed to facilitate the orderly
operation of the Board and provide improved avenues to settle the
problems and disputes. These publications, referred to as the Green
Book, the Blue Book and the Red Book, were distributed by interna¬
tional unions to all their affiliated local unions. The Green Book
quotes all agreements and decisions of record; the Blue Book pro¬
vides procedures and operating guidelines for the members of the
Board and those entities who are party to a jurisdictional dispute.
The Red Book provides a monetary penalty schedule with which to
enforce those provisions of the “Plan for the Settlement of Jurisdic¬
tional Disputes in the Construction Industry.” This plan was the
outgrowth of theJurisdictional Agreement between the Building and
Construction Trades Department and the National Constructors
Association.
had come to light; some of these situations resulted in long-tim'e
employees being deprived of their rightful pensions upon retirement.
Congress finally decided this wasa matter that deserved itsattention
and in 1974 the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA)
became law. Designed to insure that pension funds were properly
invested and administered, the act was massive, far-reaching and
complex. Literally thousands of rules and regulations were issued by
the Labor Department, Treasury Department and the Internal Rev-
Service, and the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation
suddenly changing the way pension funds could operate. While the
law was needed and well intentioned, it wasat odds with the reality of
pension fund operations in many ways. Enforcement of some of the
regulations which were first promulgated would have effectively
destroyed many of the pension programs covering building trades-
Realizing that the regulations issued under the Act would need
constant monitoring from the labor community, the Building and
Construction Trades Department decided to assist through the
founding of the National Coordinating Committee on Multiemployer
Plans. The organization represents the combined efforts of unions,
employers, national and local multiemployer pension, welfare and
other benefit funds to meet the difficult problems and decisions that
must be made to assure the funds are sound and secure. The NCCMP
is the ever-present representative of multiemployer plans in the
forums so vital to their interests: the Internal Revenue Service, the
Treasury Department, the Labor Department, the Pension Benefit
Guaranty Corporation, congressional committees and the courts.
Since the inception of the Committee, its work has saved multiem¬
ployer plans literally millions of dollars by securing favorable rulings
procedural and paperwork issues by exposing costly technical
by responsible administrative bodies. As an example, the
NCCMP saved multiemployer plans $35 million by convincing the
Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation toallow pension plans to mail
plan booklets to their members third class as opposed to first class.
In 1980, ERISA was amended to protect the interests of the
multiemployer plans, many of which were in danger of collapse due to
the provisions of the 1974 Act. The amendments, and the subsequent
regulations promulgated to effect the changes, were heavily in¬
fluenced by NCCMP. In the coming years, it will be
important for union members to have such an effective voice in the
pension regulation process. By the year 2000, the number of pension
beneficiaries will be 16 million, and in less than a decade the number
will already have reached 13 million. This means increased responsi¬
bility for NCCMP in seeing to it that multiemployer plans function
under laws that work totheir benefit, and under regulations that help
to maintain stability and future growth.
Building Trades pension funds have also been the leaders in efforts
are
enue
con-men.
on
errors
As the issues affecting building tradesmen became more complex,
the Department realized the need for a staff of experts who could
analyze and comment on the wide variety of issues facing organized
labor. In 1974, the BCTD established its Department of Research
and hired a group of skilled researchers and writers toeven more prepare
reports, speeches, seminars, congressional testimony and other
materials in support of the Department’s positions. In addition tothese tasks, the Research Department also monitors the actions of
the numerous governmental and private sector agencies and organi¬
zations whose activities have an impact on building tradesmen.
The General President’s Project Maintenance Agreement, first
initiated by the Department in 1956, was renewed in 1972. The
purpose of the program is to provide additional work opportunities
3736
North America’s Building Trades Unions,
Memorandum
from
Michael Braun to Tom Kriger
(May 16, 2016).
, ?
Memo
To: Tom Kriger
From: Michael Braun
Date: May 16, 2016
Re: New York State Apprenticeship Numbers
New York Apprenticeship Training (Building Trades Fast Facts 7-21-
2015)
• Number of Training Centers: 106
• Construction Workers Annual Hours: 442,806,000
• Construction Workers Annual Wages: $11,951,192,000
• Value of Construction Work: $86,642,055,000
• Wages/Hours: $26.99
• Wages/Value %: $13.79%
• Active Apprentices (All Industries, from DOL-OA): 16,238
• New Apprentices (Al Industries, from DOL-OA): 3,480
• Competed Apprenticeships (All Industries, from DOL-OA): 645
• Active Programs (All Industries, from DOL-OA): 685
• New Programs (All Industries, from DOL-OA): 41
• JATC Apprenticeship Number (from ABC Study Done by BCTD, 2011): 4,625
• Total Employment (Private Construction): 396,425
• Union Members (Private Construction): 123,902
• Individuals Covered by Union Contracts (Private Construction): 127,671
• % of Union Members (Private Construction): 31.25%
• % of Individuals Covered by Union Contracts (Private Construction): 32.21%
New York ABC DATA (Building Trades Fast Facts 9-1-2015)
• ABC General and Sub Contractors (2010): 303
• State Total of Licensed or Registered Contractors (2010): 48,785
• Total ABC State Membership: 411
• ABC Contractors as Percentage of State Total (2010): 0.62%
• ABC Contractors as Percentage of ABC State Total: 73.72%
‘r
ABC New York - Membership
Total Number
of Private
Contractor! -
State Total2
ABC
Contractor!
ai */•of
State Total
Coatracton
as %of
Chapter
Total1
Empire
State
ABC Chapter Membership
Subcontractors
General Contractors
Corporate Services
Material Suppliers
Professional Field Services
Vendor Services
Manufacturers
Industry Organizations
Program/Development Managers
Engineers
Architects
Total
NOTES
Source: ABC Membership Database,
8/15/11
'includes sub and general contractors
*No State license; Bureau of Labor Statistics, Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages, total number of
privately owned construction establishments, as of Dec. 2010.
Chapter
213
90
55
53
0
0
0
0
0
IT
0
411 48,785 0.6% 73.7%
Source: ABC Study done by BCTD
NYS Building & Construction Trades Council,
Constitution & By-Laws
(2016)
INEW YORK STATEBUILDING & CONSTRUCTION
TRADES COUNCIL
AFL-CIO
CONSTITUTION
& BY-LAWS
2016
%
«
PREAMBLE
Chartered
November 20, 1956
The New York State Building and Construction Trades Council
has been organized to accomplish the following objectives:
First: To encourage the formation of local organizations of
craftsmen engaged in all types of construction work
including new work, alterations, repairs, maintenance,
and extension of existing facilities, and in the
manufacture or preparation of materials used therein.
t
Second: To aid the establishment of strong and effective
Building and Construction Trades Councils.
Third: To foster, develop, and advance apprenticeship training
and to cooperate with Federal and State agencies
promoting the interests of apprenticeship training.
Fourth: To promote the development of health and safety
practices and procedure to the end of protecting the
health and safety of tradesmen in the building and
construction industry.
Fifth: To protect the rights and benefits of the Building and
Construction Trades workers from attacks by those
enemies of Labor who would destroy us.
Sixth: To assist and cooperate with other bona tide labor
organizations in order to present a solid front against
discrimination and injustice.
Seventh: To initiate and assist in the passage of legislation to aid
and protect the Building Trades workers and to
cooperate with the Building and Construction Trades
Department in its work at the national level.
CONSTITUTION
& BY-LAWS
NEW YORK STATE
BUILDING & CONSTRUCTION
TRADES COUNCIL
AFL-CIO
2016
Adopted August 26, 1958
As amended Dec. 5, 1958; Aug. 26, 1960; Sept. 7, 1962; Oct.
22, 1963; Aug. 9, 1968; July 12, 1974; July 22, 1977; July
27, 1978; July 17, 1980; Aug. 27, 1982; July 25, 1984; July
23, 1986; Aug. 2-4, 1988; July 31-Aug. 2, 1990; July 28-29,
1992; June 18-20, 1995; June 30-July 2, 1998; May 20-22,
2001; June 6-9, 2004; June 7-9, 2010; August 4-6, 2013; and
August 14-16, 2016.
In order to accomplish these objectives, we, in convention
assembled, do hereby declare the following to be our Constitution
and By-Laws.
»
Officers
Sworn in August 16, 2016
Table of Contents
NEW YORK STATE BUILDING &
CONSTRUCTION TRADES COUNCIL, AFL-CIO
50 State Street, 3rd Floor; Albany, NY 12206
(518) 435-9108 FAX (518) 435-9204
www.nybuildingtrades.com
Name & Constituency Page 1
Page 2
Page 4
Page 13
Page 17
Page 20.......Page 21
Article I
Article 11 Officers
Duties of OfficersArticle III
Secretary/Treasurer
Lawrence Davis
President
James Cahill
Conventions & ConferencesArticle IV
Article V Finances
Executive Board
Article VI Amendments.Fred DeMartino
. . . .Dan DeCarlo.....A1 Catalano
. . .David Haines
. .Gino Castignoli......Sam Fratto.....Don Winkle
. .James Mahoney.....Sam Fresina
. . . Dan McGraw
Joseph Azzopardi
. . .Mike McNally
. Dan Richardson
. . . .Mark Landau
Asbestos Workers
Boilermakers
Bricklayers & Masons
Carpenters
Oper. Plasterers & Cement Masons
Electrical Workers
Elevator Constructors
Iron Workers
Laborers
Operating Engineers
Painters
Plumbers & Steamfitters
Roofers
Sheet Metal Workers
Order of BusinessArticle Vll
Tom GesualdiTeamsters
t
ARTICLE I
NAME AND CONSTITUENCY
Section 1. This organization shall be known as the
New York State Building and Construction Trades
Council.
Section 2. This Council shall be composed of bona
fide local building and construction trades councils,
local building and construction trades unions in good
standing in the building and construction trades council
in their region, any New York State organization of a
particular craft, and any district council of a particular
craft, provided such district council and its affiliated
locals, who have full-time business agents, are
members of at least one of the building and
construction trades councils in the area covered by it.
Section 3. Membership. Each applicant desiring to
affiliate with the Council shall be required to submit a
written statement covering the extent and character of
its trade jurisdiction and geographical scope. Upon
receipt of such written statement, the Council shall
send a copy to the Executive Board. Should any
member of the Board object to the affiliation of such
applicant, the matter shall be referred to the full
Executive Board at the next regular meeting.
Section 4. Organizations affiliated with the State
Building and Construction Trades Council are fully
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autonomous with respect to the governance of their
internal affairs, but defer full and complete jurisdiction
to the State Building & Construction Trades Council
with respect to any matter which affects the general
welfare of the building industry in the state. An
affiliated body which willfully misuses its autonomy
or willfully injures the work of the State Building and
Construction Trades Council by acts of disobedience,
rebellion, or treason, shall, by a two-thirds vote of the
State Executive Board, present and voting, stand
suspended or expelled, deprived of all benefits, rights
and privileges accruing from membership in the State
Building and Construction Trades Council.
event of a vacancy in the office of Vice President, a
successor shall be appointed from the same trade as the
prior occupant of office upon the recommendation of
the International Union of such trade.
All Vice Presidents shall be appointed bySection 3.
their respective International Unions and shall serve
until their successors are duly appointed and installed.
To be eligible for appointment by their respective
International Unions, the prospective Vice President
must meet at least one of the following criteria:
(1) be a representative of a local union directly
affiliated with the State Council; (2) be an International
Representative of his/her respective trade; or (3) be a
full-time paid officer of a local building trades council
or district council which represents at least one local
union affiliated with the State Council. The installation
The affiliated bodies so suspended or expelled have a
right to appeal from such decision of the State
Executive Board at the next Convention.
of Vice Presidents shall be immediate upon notification
to the State Building & Construction Trades Council
by the International Union. All officers shall, at the
expiration of their terms of office, or in case of
resignation, turn over to their successors all books and
property belonging to the Council and render a
complete report of their stewardship up to date.
ARTICLE II
OFFICERS
Section 1. The officers of the New York State
Building and Construction Trades Council shall consist
of a President, no more than 18 Vice Presidents, each
from a different International Union, and a Secretary-
Treasurer. Section 4. The State Executive Officers shall be the
President and Secretary-Treasurer. Candidates shall be
eligible for election to the State Executive Office
provided (a) he or she was eligible to be a delegate to
the immediate past convention and is a delegate to the
Section 2. The State Executive Board of the New
York State Building and Construction Trades Council
shall be composed of such 18 Vice Presidents. In the
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including supervision of the performance of the duties
of the Secretary-Treasurer. He shall be empowered to
issue such orders by and with the consent of the
Executive Board of the Council that are necessary to
enforce and cany out the aims and objectives in the
best interest of the Council.
current convention from an affiliated body in good
standing in the State Council, or (b) he or she qualifies
as a delegate to the current convention pursuant to
Article IV § 15. Prior to the vote being taken, the Chair
of the Election Committee shall appoint from those
assembled delegates two clerks and one judge who
shall supervise the election.
Section 3.
correspondence pertaining to his office and countersign
with the Secretary-Treasurer all checks and orders for
the payment of money. The President shall give a bond
for the faithful performance of his duties in such
amount as may be determined by the Executive Board.
The expense of the bond shall be borne by the Council.
The President shall conduct all official
Section 5. Not more than two delegates from any
one trade shall be eligible to hold office in thisCouncil.
Section 6. Any Executive Officers of the New York
State Building and Construction Trades Council whose
local union or local Building Trades Council has
withdrawn or has been suspended by the State Building
Trades Council or the Building and Construction
Trades Department respectively shall cease to be an
officer of the State Building and Construction Trades
Council.
Section 4. The President shall have the authority to
interpret the Constitution and By-Laws of the Council
between meetings of the Executive Board and his
interpretation shall be conclusive and in full force and
effect unless changed by the Executive Board or by
Convention.ARTICLE III
DUTIES OF OFFICERS
The President shall receive for hisSection 5.
services, in periodic installments, an annual salary, as
may be determined from time to time by the Executive
Board, and shall be reimbursed for expenses incurred.
“‘President”
Section 1. The President shall preside at all
Conventions and Executive Board Meetings.
Section 6. The State Executive Board shall designate
the acting president in the absence of the President,
who shall perform the duties pertaining to the office.
Section 2. The President shall exercise supervision
of the Council throughout its complete jurisdiction
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Section 7. The President shall have the right to cast a
deciding vote in all cases before the Executive Board and
shall have additional powers as expressly set forth herein.
Section 12. The Secretary-Treasurer shall be in charge
of and conserve all monies, property, and files of the
Council which at all times shall be subject to the
inspection of the President and the Executive Board.Section 8. Recognizing the nature of the legislative
process and the speed at which decisions must be
made, the President shall have the authority, after
consulting with the Executive Board, to act on behalf
of the Council with respect tovall legislation pending
before the State legislature.
Section 13. The Secretary-Treasurer shall act as
Secretary for the Executive Board, but shall not be a
member thereof, and shall keep a record of the minutes
of the proceedings of the Executive Board.
Section 14. The Secretary-Treasurer shall keep a
correct and current list of all officers of the affiliated
organizations.
Section 9. The President shall make a report of the
administration of the affairs of his office to the
meetings of the Executive Board and a full report to
each regular Convention of the Council. Section 1 5. The Secretary-Treasurer shall give a bond
for the faithful performance of his duties in such
amount as may be determined by the Executive Board.
The expense of the bond shall be borne by the Council.
Section 10. The appointment, compensation,
direction, supervision, suspension, and removal of
office employees of the Council shall be under the
direction of the President. Section 16. The Secretary-Treasurer shall conduct all
official correspondence pertaining to his office.“Secretary-Treasurer”
Section 17. The Secretary-Treasurer shall be required
to keep an itemized account of all monies received and
expenditures made, and shall be required to submit his
books and records to a certified public accountant for
an audit. Copies of the audit shall be furnished to the
Executive Board and to the Convention.
Section 11. The Secretary-Treasurer shall be the
financial officer of the Council and shall receive and
collect all monies due the Council, which monies shall
be paid out only on the approval and counter-signature
of the President. In addition, the Secretary-Treasurer shall
accept assignments of work from the President of the
Council who shall direct and supervise their execution.
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“Executive Board”Section 18. The Secretary-Treasurer shall, sixty days
prior to the Convention, send credentials in duplicate
to all affiliated bodies, to be properly signed by the
President and Secretary-Treasurer, the originals to be
delivered by delegate to the Credentials Committee
upon his arrival at the Convention. It shall be the duty
of the Secretary-Treasurer to notify each member of
the Executive Board every three months of local unions
who are not in affiliation with the New York State
Building and Construction Trades Council; and it shall
be the duty of the officer to visit such local unions and
use his influence in having the local union(s) affiliate
with the New York State Building and Construction
Trades Council.
Section 21. In the event the Executive Board in its
discretion should decide by a two-thirds vote of those
present and voting, that any officer either is not
adequately discharging his duties as provided herein,
or is not adequately carrying out the instructions and
orders of the Board, the Board may, by means of
charges, refer the matter to the next regular
Convention. The delegates in open meeting assembled
shall consider the charges brought by the Executive
Board against any officer. Said officer shall have the
right to be present and to be heard. If the delegates in
open meeting assembled shall, by a majority vote,
determine that the charges of the Executive Board shall
be sustained, then and in that event, the chairman shall
immediately suspend said officer permanently.
Section 19. The Secretary-Treasurer shall make and
mail to the President as well as all Executive Board
members a written annual report of his activities. The
Secretary-Treasurer shall be the custodian of the
Archives and Seal of the Council. He shall furnish each
affiliated body with a copy of the proceedings of the
Convention.
In the event of the suspension of any officer, he shall
immediately turn over to the Executive Board all
books, papers, monies, and other properties of any kind
whatsoever tangible that may be in his possession
which may belong to the New York State Building and
Construction Trades Council.Section 20. The Secretary-Treasurer shall receive for
his services an annual salary payable in monthly
installments, as may be determined from time to time
by the Executive Board, and shall be reimbursed for
expenses incurred.
Section 22. The State Executive Board shall serve as
the Political Action Committee for the State Building
and Construction Trades Council and may make
recommendations with respect to endorsements and
political contributions. The President shall have
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authority to make final decisions with respect to
political contributions subject to a monetary limit
which may be set from time to time by the Executive
Board. The President shall also have authority to make
final decisions with respect to endorsements after
consulting with the Executive Board and other
interested affiliated organizations.
of such stipend shall be fixed and adjusted from time
to time by the President.
Section 26. Should a vacancy occur in the Executive
Offices of the State Building and Construction Trades
Council, the Executive Board shall be empowered to
fill such vacancy.sSection 23. The Executive Board shall have full
power to act upon any and all questions that may be
presented to the New York State Building and
Construction Trades Council for its consideration
during the interim between the regular Conventions of
the Council. The President and the Secretary-Treasurer
shall be empowered to convene the Executive Board
by the proper notification sent to all members of said
Board at such times and places best suited to deal with
such matters as may require the attention of said Board.
Section 27. Five members shall be appointed to audit
the Secretary-Treasurer’s accounts and report to the
Convention before the election of officers, and all bills
requested by the Committee shall be delivered without
debate.
Section 28. The Executive Board may take action on
any matter submitted to its members by any affiliated
body or through the Executive Officers. Any matter
considered and agreed to by any two-thirds majority
vote of the members of the State Executive Board shall
become law.Section 24. In all matters requiring action by the
Executive Board, the President may communicate the
need for such action by phone, email, or other
electronic means, and the Board may act by responding
via letter, telephone, or other electronic means. Such
actions so taken shall constitute action by the Board as
though the Board were in formal session.
Section 29. The State Executive Board shall have the
right to select and appoint counsel upon its own motion
or at the direction of the President if and when it is
deemed necessary.
Section 30. The State Executive Board shall be
empowered to levy a special assessment or increase,
decrease, or suspend dues collected in accordance with
Article V, Section 1 by a two-thirds majority vote of
Section 25. Members of the Executive Board may be
paid a stipend for their services which shall not be
considered reimbursement for expenses. The amount
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the Board. Any dues modification shall only be
effective until the next regular convention of the
Council at which time the matter shall be submitted to
the delegates.
Section 32. Each officer of the State Council shall
take the following oath of obligation before entering
upon the duties of his office:
, pledge my honor that 1 will to the best of my
ability, fulfill the duties devolving upon me as an
officer of this Council, and that I will act in my
assigned capacity for the general benefit of the
members, and that I will turn over to my successor all
funds, books, records, and properties in my possession
at the expiration of my official term.”
“I,
Section 31. Recognizing that any project labor
agreement entered into by an alfiHated organization has
the potential to affect future project labor agreements
in other parts of the state, affiliated organizations agree
not to enter into any public project labor agreement
until the agreement has been submitted to the State
Council for review and approval subject to the terms
of this provision. Upon receipt, the State Executive
Board shall be responsible for reviewing and making
recommendations to the President with respect to all
such project labor agreements. The requirements of this
provision shall not apply to local (non State agency)
public project labor agreements entered into by the
Building & Construction Trades Council of Greater
New York and Vicinity. In addition, the state Executive
Board shall be responsible for reviewing and making
recommendations with respect to all private project
labor agreements for which a concern is brought to the
attention of the State Council by an affiliated
organization. Notwithstanding the above, unless six or
more Board members disapprove of the proposed PLA,
the final decision to approve or disapprove such
agreements shall rest with the President.
ARTICLE IV
CONVENTIONS AND CONFERENCES
Section 1. The regular Convention of the New York
State Building and Construction Trades Council shall
convene every three years at the call of the President
at a time and place designated by him.
Section 2. During all elections, the delegate shall
arise when name is called and cast his ballot, unless
otherwise provided for, and it is further provided that
no proxies be allowed.
Section 3. The State Executive Board shall act as a
Committee on Credentials; all other committees shall
be appointed by the President at the Convention unless
otherwise provided.
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resolutions shall be referred by the chairman of the
Convention to the respective committee without
debate.
Section 4. The standing committees of the
Convention, consisting of not more than ten members
each, shall be: ( 1 ) Finance and Audit; (2) Constitution
and By-Laws; (3) Resolutions; and (4) Election. Section 8. The standing committees shall report in the
order as they are appointed, and the Convention shall
remain in session until all the business which shall
come before it has been disposed of.
Section 5. Each delegate shall establish his claim to
a seat by credentials duly signed by President and
Secretary-Treasurer of the organization he represents
with seal of such thereon. Section 9. A quorum for the transaction of business
shall consist of a majority of delegates entitled to the
floor of the Convention.Section 6. The President shall appoint at each
Convention one assistant secretary, one assistant
sergeant-at-arms, messenger, and reading clerk as in
his discretion he deems advisable, and said appointees
shall function under the direction of the President.
Section 10. Delegates to the Conventions of the New
York State Building and Construction Trades Council
shall be on the following basis:
The sergeant-at-arms shall have charge of the door at
all Conventions and meetings of the Executive Board
and see that no persons enter except delegates or
members of affiliated Locals or Councils, vouched for
by delegates of the same. He shall allow no member to
retire without permission of the presiding officer; and
shall perform such other duties as the Convention may
require.
Local Bldg. & Const. Trades Councils . .
State Organizations
District Councils
Local Unions with 0-150 members
Local Unions with 151-300 members . . .
Local Unions with 301-500 members . .
Local Unions with 501-1500 members .
Local Unions with 1501-3000 members
Local Unions - more than 3000 members
5 delegates
2 delegates
2 delegates
2 delegates
3 delegates
4 delegates
5 delegates
6 delegates
.7 delegates
+ 1 Additional delegate for every 1000 members
i.
All resolutions are requested to beSection 7.
submitted one month prior to the Convention
and shall be submitted only by affiliated locals, state
organizations, district councils, and officers of the State
Council whose dues are paid up to date. Submitted
Each delegate shall be entitled to be represented by an
alternate who shall have the right and privilege to
participate in the proceedings in the absence of the
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delegate. No alternate shall be permitted voice or vote
when the delegate is present.
Trades Council shall be delegates to the Convention. A
State Executive Officer shall not carry a vote for a local
union, state association, district council, or local
building trades council unless said officer elects to
decline his delegate status based on his State Executive
Office position.
Section 11. No delegate shall be eligible to hold any
office in this Council unless his organization shall have
paid all its indebtedness to the State Council up to the
first day of the preceding quarter.
Section 16. By virtue of their office, members of the
State Executive Board shall be delegates to the
Convention with all rights and privileges to voice and
vote during Convention proceedings. An Executive
Board member shall not carry a vote for a local union,
state association, district council, or local building
trades council unless said member elects to decline his
delegate status based on his Executive Board position.
Section 12. In the event a credential is challenged, it
shall be challenged before the final report of the
Credentials Committee is accepted.
Section 13. No two members of the same
International Union shall be eligible to act as delegates
representing any local building and construction trades
council. If a delegate representing a local building and
construction trades council is not present, and will be
represented by an alternate, such alternate must not be
from the same International as any of the other
delegates representing the local council.
;
Section 17. A Statewide Meeting composed of the
State Council Executive Officers, the Executive Board,
the Presidents and Secretaries of the local councils, and
representatives from the district councils and state
associations shall Ineet not less than twice per year for
the purpose of increased communication among the
officers and the State Council.
Section 14. Only delegates from affiliated local
unions are eligible to serve as delegates of local
building trades councils, district councils, or state
associations unless said delegate is a full-time salaried
officer of the local council, district council or state
association s/he represents.
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ARTICLE V
FINANCES
Section 1. Effective October 1, 2013 the revenue of
the New York State Building Trades Council shall be
derived from dues paid by all local unions. Dues shall
Section 15. By virtue of their respective offices, the
President and Secretary-Treasurer of the State Building t
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be calculated at a rate of one half cent (1/20) per hour
worked per member, provided no local union shall be
required to pay more than $40,000 per year. Dues shall
be paid on “Building Trades” members only.
Section 5.
Enhancement Fund which shall be financed using the
Council’s dues revenue at the Executive Board’s
discretion. Disbursements from the fund shall require
a two-thirds majority vote of the members of the
Executive Board.
The State Council may maintain an
Section 2.
but not required, to adopt an alternate dues calculation
upon the request of (a) building trades local unions
which represent maintenance divisions; and (b) local
unions of a specific trade which have consolidated into
a district council.
The Executive Board shall be authorized,
Section 6. The State Council may maintain a State
PAC Fund for the purposes of supporting political
candidates for State and local offices in New York
State. The PAC Fund shall be financed by dues revenue
in an amount to be determined by the President in
consultation with the Executive Board.Section 3.
and local building & construction trades councils shall
affiliate with the Council via an annual Registration
Fee in the amount of $500.
All district councils, state associations,
No delegate to the Convention will beSection 7.
seated from any affiliated body which is delinquent in
its payment of dues or assessments, and all arrearage
must be paid prior to the issuance of credentials to the
delegates. Any local union that affiliates with the State
Council during six (6) months immediately preceding
the convention shall pay dues for twelve (12) months
in advance, based on a good faith estimate according
to the number of hours worked during the previous
twelve (12) months, prior to the issuance of credentials
to the delegate.
Dues to the State Council shall be paidSection 4.
quarterly within 45 days of the end of each quarter for
which payment is being made. Payments must be
accompanied by a Quarterly Dues Report which will
be provided to each local union by the State Council.
The Quarterly Dues Report will summarize the number
of members for which payment is being made and the
total number of hours worked. The State Council may
request supporting documentation at any time, i.e.,
pension reports, apprenticeship fund contributions, or
any other monthly reports submitted to the local’s
benefit office.
Section 8.
temporarily suspended in accordance with Article III,
Section 28.
Dues may be increased, decreased, or
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Section 9. Any affiliated organization whose dues
are in arrears for more than two quarters may be
suspended from the Council. Suspended organizations
may re-affiliate at the discretion of the President upon
terms and conditions within his discretion.
ARTICLE VII
ORDER OF BUSINESS
At the opening of each business session, there shall be
an adequate and proper flag salute. In any question
concerning parliamentary procedure not covered by the
foregoing Constitution and By-Laws, Robert’s Rules
of Order shall prevail.
1 . Roll call of officers
2. Roll call of delegates
3. Admission of delegates
4. Reading of Convention call
5. Reading of minutes
6. Committees appointed by chairman
7. Visitors or fraternal delegates
8. Reports of committees
9. Unfinished business
10. New business
1 1 . Reports of trades
12. Communications and bills
13. Report of financial secretary
14. Good and welfare of the Convention
15. Nomination and election of officers
16. Adjournment
Section 10. Nothing in this Article shall preclude the
President from implementing a dues amnesty program to
stimulate membership as recommended by the Building
and Construction Trades Department, AFL- CIO.
ARTICLE VI
AMENDMENTS
Section 1.
regular session of the Convention by a majority vote.
Amendments shall be subject to the approval of the
Building & Construction Trades Department prior to
becoming effective.
This Constitution can be amended at a
Section 2. This Constitution or any part thereof shall
not be so construed or interpreted so as to conflict with
the provisions or intent and purpose of the Constitution
of the Building and Construction Trades Department,
AFL- CIO.
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